The Whole world's temperance convention, held at Metropolitan hall in the city of New York ... Sept. 1st and 2d, 1853...

1. THE CALL AND PROCEEDINGS AT BRICK CHURCH-PRELIMINARY MEETING.
2. MEETING OF SECEDING DELEGATES.
3. MEETING AT THE BROADWAY TABERNACLE, TO REVIEW THE PROCEEDINGS AT BRICK CHURCH.
4. CALL FOR THE WHOLE WORLD'S CONVENTION.
5. SPEECHES AND DOINGS OF THE CONVENTION.
6. LIST OF DELEGATES, BY SOCIETIES AND STATES.
7. ALPHABETICAL LIST OF DELEGATES.
8. APPENDIX, WITH LETTERS, ESSAYS, AND COMMENTS OF THE PRESS.

NEW YORK:
FOWLERS AND WELLS, PUBLISHERS
Clinton Hall, 131 Nassau Street.
1853.

Compiled from the Reports in Tribune, Times and Herald; principally from the Tribune.

[CALL.]
WHOLE WORLD'S TEMPERANCE CONVENTION.

WHEREAS, In response to a call for a preliminary meeting of the friends of Temperance in North America, to make arrangements for a World's Temperance Convention in the City of New York, during the World's Fair, a meeting assembled in that City, on the 12th of May, 1853, which assumed the power to exclude several regularly elected Delegates because they were Women;

And WHEREAS , A portion of the members of that meeting retired from it, regarding it as false both to the letter and spirit of the call;

The undersigned, consisting in part of such seceding Delegates, hereby invite all those in favor of a World's Temperance Convention, which shall be true to its name , to meet in the City of New York on Thursday and Friday, the 1st and 2nd of September next, to consider the present needs of the Temperance Reform.

New York, July 15, 1853.

T. W. Higginson Mass
Horace Greeley N Y
Mary Y. C. ???
Joshua ???
Francis D. Gage Missouri
E. L. Snow N Y
Theodore Parker Mass
Antoinette L. Brown N Y
Daniel W Vaughan R I
Samuel Longfellow N Y
William S. Balch N Y
O. H. Wellington N Y
James Mott Penn
Lucretia Mott Penn
Paulina Wright Davis R I
Francis Jackson Mass
Sidney Pierce Penn
George Hall N Y
Mary C. Vaughn N Y
Melancthon B. Williams Ill
Erasmus D. Hudson Mass
Ashby ???
Rowland Johnson N Y
??? Johnson N Y
Emily Clark N Y
Daniel T. Adams Maine
C. C. Burleigh Conn
Gertie K. Burleigh Conn
Edward Webb Del
John S. Merrick N H
Catharine M. Schuyler Penn
Ann Powell N Y
Wm. K. Foster N Y
S. P. Townsend
L. N. Fowler N Y
Lydia F. Fowler N Y
N. A. Calkins N Y
S. R. Wells N Y
J, W. Kellogg N Y
B. E. Buckman N Y
C. B. Wheeler N Y
Joshua Brown N Y
N. A. Davis N H
Stephen C. Foster Maine
Royal Barnum N Y
O. C. Wheeler Cal
Wm. McDermott N Y
Morris Decamp N Y
George F. Colburn N Y
James Campbell N Y
E. H. Chapin N Y
Lucy Stone Mass
Samuel J. May N Y
Oliver Johnson N Y
Mary A. W. Johnson N Y
Wm. A. White Wisconsin
C. H. A. Dall Canada West
Carolyn W. Healy Dall C W
Wm. Lloyd Garrison Mass
Harriot K. Hunt Mass
Wm. H. Channing Mass
R. T. Trall N Y
Sumner Stebbins Penn
Thomas Chandler Mich
Thomas Garrett Del
Wendell Phillips Mass
Joseph A. Dugdale Penn
Edward M. Davies Penn
Isaac Trescott Ohio
Rowland T. Robinson Vt
Rachel Robinson Vt
Lydia Mott N Y
Stephen Grimes N Y
Marry P. H. Allen N Y
Elizabeth Hallock N Y
M. Fayette Baldwin N Y
Emma L. Baldwin N Y
Andrew Lester N Y
William Hunt R I
Joseph Brundage N Y
Ruth Hambleton Penn
James Howe N J
Eliza P. Gaunt N J
Lambert S. Beck N Y
C. B. Le Baron N Y
Wm. S. King, Jr N Y
Ira Buckman, Jr N Y
Mary S. Rich N Y
John Falconer N Y
James O. Bennet N Y
John Law N Y
Susan B. Anthony N Y
C. G. Coffin Mass
Francis L. Aud Cal
Leonard Scott N Y
Samuel Holmes N Y
James Moran N Y
David G. Croly N Y
Emily S. Trall N Y
Phineas T. Barnum N Y

PREFACE
To The
WHOLE WORLD'S TEMPERANCE CONVENTION.
Call for the Preliminary Meeting.

The following call appeared in the N.Y. Tribune, April, 7, 1853:

World's Temperance Convention. -The undersigned, in concurrence with a resolution of the Massachusetts Temperance Convention, respectfully invite the friends of Temperance in each State, and in Canada, to appoint some person or persons to meet in the City of New York, on Thursday the 12th of May next, at 9 A. M., to make arrangements for the holding of a great Temperance Convention, in said City, during the World's Fair. Place of meeting will be duly notified. All communications relative to such Convention may be addressed to Rev. E. W. Jackson, Philadelphia. Papers friendly will please copy.

R. H. Walworth, of N. Y.
Samuel Luckey, of N.Y.
John Marsh, of N.Y.,
Neal Dow, of Me.
Thomas R. Jones, of N. H.
T. W. Higginson, of Mass.
A. C. Barstow, of R. L.
F. B. Betts, of N. J.
E. W. Jackson, of Pa.
S. F. Carey, of Ohio.
F. Yates, of Michigan.
C. Keener, of Maryland.
John Dougal, of Montreal.

New York, April 6, 1853.

The following report of the doings at the preliminary meeting is taken from the Tribune and the Herald of May 13, 1853:

WORLD'S TEMPERANCE CONVENTION.
Meeting of Delegates.
EXCITING PROCEEDINGS; EXPULSION OF FEMALE DELEGATES.

Agreeably to a call previously, a number of the friends of Temperance met yesterday morning in the Lecture Room of the Brick Church, with a view to adopt the necessary preliminaries to hold a grand World's Convention in the City of New York, some time during the continuance of the World's Fair. The meeting was called to order by E. M. Jackson, Corresponding Secretary of the State Central Committee of Pennsylvania, who moved the Hon. A. C. Barstow, Mayor of Providence, to the Chair, which was carried nem. con,; upon which, the Rev. George Duffield, Jun., of Philadelphia, and the Rev. R. S. Crampton, of Rochester, New York, were appointed to act as Secretaries. After prayer by the Rev. Dr. Hewett:

Rev. John Marsh, of New York, moved that all gentlemen present; who were friends of Temperance, be admitted as delegates.

Dr. Trall, of New York, stated that there were delegates present from the Women's State Temperance Society, and moved that the word "ladies" be inserted in the motion offered by Mr. Marsh, which was carried unanimously.

The motion as amended was then adopted, and the names of the gentlemen and ladies present were collected by the Secretaries, and enrolled by States. Those holding credentials also handed them in to the Secretaries.

Hon. Neal Dow, of Maine; Hon. Zimri Howe, of Vt.; Rev. Dr. Hewitt, of Conn.; Rev. T. W. Higginson, of Mass.; Rev. John Marsh, of N. Y.; E. W. Jackson, of Penn.; Hon. T. B. Segur, of N. H.; Dr. Snodgrass, of Md.; Gen. Cocke, of Va.; Isaac Trescott, of Ohio; John Arbuckle, of Prince Edward's Island; and Mr. Seeley, of New-Brunswick, were appointed a Business Committee.

Mr. Higginson, of Massachusetts, one of the above-named Committee, rose and said-That as women were very properly acting as delegates in the Convention, they should be represented on the Committee, and moved that Miss Susan B. Anthony, of Rochester, be admitted a member of the above named Committee.

Dr. Hewett hereupon arose and said, that in certain parts of the country women had received a good deal of celebrity and notoriety. He did not mean to disparage them; but it was quite sufficient for his purpose merely to state that he was not prepared to give to women that prominent place in arranging the affairs of mankind which hitherto was the province, and was given to others. It was with very great hesitation, and not without a sacrifice of feeling, that he was induced to take the stand he was determined upon in relation to the subject now before the convention. His years, and the place he had occupied in the great work of temperance, betrayed some of the relics of a former age; and he was not prepared to acquiesce in any such invasion as would tend to interfere with the settled laws of society "revolution was one thing and reformation was another."

Rev. Mr. Fowler, of Utica, hoped the motion of the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Higginson) would not be pressed. If so, and it prevailed, those ladies, as well as others, should be appointed.

Mr. Higginson was proceeding to reply, when he was interrupted by cries of "Out of order," "Lay the motion on the table," and loud demonstrations of disapprobation, when the following were handed in by Mrs. Lydia F. Fowler, of New York. The names of the other ladies were Miss Mary S. Rich, Miss Emily Clark, of Le Roy, N. Y.; Miss Anthony, of Rochester; Mrs. Mary Vaughn, Oswego; Lucy Stone, Mass; and Abby K. Foster, Mass. Their unexpected presence created quite a sensation. The following is a copy of the credentials of Mrs. Fowler:

Seneca Falls, N. Y., April 25, 1853.

To Mrs. Lydia F. Fowler:-

At a meeting of the Executive Committee of "Woman's New York Temperance Society," held at Seneca Falls on the 23d instant, you were appointed a delegate to attend the meeting called by Neal Dow, to be held in your city on the 12th May, to make arrangements for holding a World's Temperance Convention in New York some time during the World's Fair.

AMELIA BLOOMER, Corresponding Secretary.

The other document read as follows:

At a meeting of the Executive Committee of the "Woman's New York Temperance Society," held on the 23d inst, the following persons were appointed as delegates to attend a meeting to be held in new York city, on 12th May, for the purpose of making arrangements for a World's Temperance Convention, some time during the World's Fair, viz:-Mrs. E. F. Ellet, Mrs Horace Greeley, Mrs. L. F. Fowler, Miss Mary Rich, Miss Emily Clark, (Le Roy, N. Y.,) and Susan B. Anthony. .......... S. B. ANTHONY,
Secretary Woman's State Temperance Society.

The question on Mr. Higginson's motion to receive the name of Miss Anthony was then put from the chair, and negatived, amid some excitement, when
Mr. Thompson, of Mass, rose and said this was a "World's Temperance Convention," and the great portion of the world had to be represented, if they desired it understood that this was World's Convention at all. He would, therefore, move a reconsideration, and to take the motion from the table.

Mr. Higginson here rose, and requested to have his name stricken out from the list appointed to act as a business committee. He would give his reasons if permitted to do so.

The convention voted by a small majority not to receive Mr. Higginson's resignation and the committee retired.

Hon. Bradford R. Wood, of Albany, then moved that the convention do adjourn sine die, for there is party here who are abound to run this affair right straight into the ground, and they came here for that express purpose, and no other; but on request, he withdrew the motion, and moved that a Committee on Credentials be appointed.

Rev. John Chambers, Hon. Bradford R. Wood, and Dr. Condit were appointed such committee.

Rev. Mr. Marsh -Let the matter be referred to the committee just selected, and they can then report.

Mr. Higginson -I am not here, Mr. Chairman, as a gentleman or as a lady, but as a friend of temperance; and that committee is not a fair representation of the friends of temperance, when you exclude women, who have attended here in compliance with your call. He thought that in a World's Convention woman should be represented, otherwise it would be only a Semi-World's Convention. The ladies present have done good work in the cause in this city, through the State of New York, and in the Assembly. He felt the they were entitled to have an equal voice in the proceedings.

Rev. Mr. Fowler, of Utica-I hope the gentleman will be excused from serving, as he desire it.

Chairman -I should be sorry if he did. He a very active member, and did a great deal to bring about this convention.

Mrs. Abby K. Foster here rose, amid considerable confusion and cries of order. She said: Mr. Chairman, (cries of "Order," Sit down," I claim the privilege. ("Order, order.") I hope, sir, that this is to be no sectarian test. ("Order" from different parts of the room, and cries of "We don't want to hear your remarks.") I hope that gentlemen will allow me to express my opinions, as I only take the liberty to express my views-

Rev. Dr. Hewett here rose to order, and Chairman requested Mrs. Foster to take her place. The excitement was considerably increased by this personal rencontre in the meeting, upon which Joseph A. Dugdale, a Quaker, rose, and denounced the proceeding of the Convention with much indignation. He requested that his name should be expunged, as they had excluded the women from the Convention.

Col. E. L. Snow stated that he received much support and encouragement from the ladies, when in the Assembly, and he felt that what they had in their hearts to do for the cause they should be allowed to do without hindrance.

Rev. J. B. Wakely and others also spoke in flavor of the ladies being represented on the committee.

Mr. Thompson (Mass.) here made a separate motion; he moved that the name of Miss Lucy Stone be added to the committee.

Miss Emily Clark, of Leroy, New York, here rose to second the motion, amid much confusion and alternate cries of "order," hear her," "hear her," "order," order." Miss C. Still holding on to floor.

Chairman -If that motion is put, I shall certainly resign. I honor women as much as most men, but I am opposed to their taking part in such proceedings as these.

Mr. Wood -I move that we adjourn, it we are to be subjected to such interruptions as these.

Mr. Wheeler, of New York-I move that we proceed without any further interruptions, and that the speakers be restricted to ten minutes upon the floor while speaking. I also move that no speaker be allowed to address the meeting more than once without the consent of the convention.

Mr. Armstrong, of Saratoga, wished to know if this convention was to be considered a deliberative body or a delegated body?

Mr. Chairman referred to the minutes, and the requisition calling the meeting was at the same time read, showing that the friends of temperance were invited, upon which other names were handled in.

Mrs. Foster again took the floor, and made an effort to be heard, but was repeatedly interrupted, and obliged to resume her seat amid much confusion; she then joined the part of the convention who supported the women, who had congregated by this time pretty strong at one side of the room.

Rev. Mr. Buckhart here rose, and stated that he was opposed to the entire proceedings before the convention, since its opening to-day. He was opposed to women interfering with matters out of their own sphere.

Mrs. Foster was about to reply and was opposed, when Mr. Higginson again rose to press his motion, and moved that it be adopted.

Chairman -If so I will not preside over the Convention.

The committee who had been appointed to examine the credentials of Delegates, hereupon returned from their deliberations, and presented their report. The Chairman reported that the committee were unanimous in favor of not receiving the "Women Delegations." This gave rise to a second debate, more exciting by far than the first, and brought Mr. Higginson again to the floor. He said, the Committee had excluded the names of several ladies, and he wished to know the particular ground. He supposed the design was--

Mr. Wood (the Chairman of the Committee)-The grounds we took were to exclude all women. The Committee were unanimously of opinion that it was not intended by those whom called this meeting that female delegates should be received, that their credentials should be disregarded, and that otherwise the roll should remain as completed by the Secretary.

Mr. Higginson -I know something about this call, as it originated by a resolution from myself, which I offered at the Massachusetts State
Convention. I certainly never would have dreamed of setting my hand to pen such a resolution or propose it, if I considered that women were to be excluded from this meeting. (Loud and continued applause from the "woman" side of the house.) It is not the matter of "woman's rights" we are considering, or have to consider, at all. It is the question as to whether this is to be considered a meeting of the friends of temperance. Are these women not the friends of temperance? Are they not advocates of temperance? Then why exclude them? Let us but exclude them, and then they have a right--

Mr. Condit, of New Jersey, here rose and called the gentleman to order.

Mr. Bradford Wood -I move that the gentleman be heard for five minutes longer.

Mr. Higginson here resumed the floor, and continued:-I did not speak at first to this question at all. I have no desire to throw a firebrand into this meeting. I have only made one speech on the "woman question." After some further remarks on a point of order, Mr. H. moved to amend the report of the Committee on Credentials.

Chairman -The question before the Convention is, first, shall the report be accepted?

Mr. Fowler, of Utica, then moved the previous question.

Col. Snow considered it out of order thus to cut off debate. He claimed to be heard for a short time. He would only occupy the floor--

Mr. Fowler, pressed his motion.

Chairman -The motion before the chair is, that the report of the committee to decide upon the qualification of members be accepted.

A Member -The question on the amendment should be first taken.

The question was then taken, when there appeared ayes 22, nays 36.

Mr. Fowler, again rose, and moved the previous question.

Mr. Thompson, of Massachusetts-I appeal from the decision of the Chair. This will entitle me to a hearing at once, and the gentlemen know it. I don't want to discuss this woman question at all. I want to have that part of the report so amended as to allow the intentions of the 5,000 people who met at the Massachusetts Convention, and who were the originators of this convention, to be carried out. That committee wanted but the truth, and they should not send forth a lie, before the country. (Confusion, and cries of "order.") I only want to have the report amended in consistency with the truth.

Mr. Crampton (the Secretary)-I should be glad to know, is it to these 5,000 persons that we are to attribute the calling of this meeting?

Mr. Wood rose to order. The entire proceedings were out of order. Gentlemen had to bow to the will of the majority.

Mr. Thompson had no objection to have the majority decide.

Mr. Wood -The report of the committee decided that it was not contemplated that women were to be included.

Mr. Williams here rose to order, amid general cries of "adjourn,""order," and much confusion, when

Mr. Wood moved the "previous question."

Col. Snow here called for the reading of the call of the meeting. Objected to. The question, on the original motion, that the report be adopted, was then put and carried-ayes 34, noes 21.

Mr. Higginson moved that the Convention do adjourn, to meet again at half past three o'clock P.M. He considered that in this meeting the "World's Convention" had disfranchised half the world by excluding the women. Mr. H. subsequently withdrew his motion.

Mr. Jackson -The gentleman stood up to make a speech, and surely he does not mean to skulk away, and not listen to a reply. (Sensation, and cries of "order.")

Dr. Humphrey -Mr. Chairman, I consider this day's proceedings altogether both disorderly and disgraceful-I have never witnessed anything like it before.

Mr. Higginson rose to explain.

Mr. Jackson begged pardon, as he misunderstood the gentleman. (Confusion, and loud cries of "adjourn.") I move, continued Mr. J., that as the gentleman (Mr. Higginson) has had the floor all the morning, that we adjourn forthwith to Metropolitan Hall, and as there is to be such a scene, we may as well at once have a regular "set-to." (Laughter and applause.)

The Chairman -Does the gentleman (Mr. Higginson) press his motion to adjourn?

Mr. Higginson (amid renewed excitement)-Yes.

The question was then up and lost.

Dr. Marsh then moved to proceed to take up the regular business.

The motion prevailed.

Mr. Dow hereupon moved that the report be adopted, and offered a resolution that the Convention meet in this city on the 6th of September next, and that it continue for four days. A committee of arrangements was then proposed by Mr. D., to consist of one from each State, pending which,

Mr. Williams, of Mass., moved to strike out the name of Mr. Higginson.

The Rev. Mr. Duffield, one of the secretaries, was here called upon to offer some remarks. He said he felt particularly unpleasant from the proceedings of the day, and was of opinion that Philadelphia, in the great State of Pennsylvania, would be a far better place to hold the Convention than in New York.

Mr. Snow opposed-New York was designated in the call.

The Chairman sustained Mr. Snow.

Mr. Higginson then requested to have his name stricken from the roll, and hoped that the minority would withdraw and meet at 2 P.M. At Dr. Trall's Institute, No. 15 Laight st., to carry out their duty as Delegates.

Rev. J. W. Higginson, Dr. R. T. Trall, Abby K. Foster, Susan B. Anthony, Lucy Stone, Lydia F. Fowler, Emily Clark, Mary C. Vaughan, E. L. Baldwin and others of the minority then withdrew.

The ladies then demanded their credentials, through Mrs. Lydia F. Fowler. As temperance missionaries, they will unquestionably be sustained in their future movements, as they divide the meeting yesterday with success. A large body of friends accompanied them.

The Committee appointed to issue the call for a Convention were as follows:

B. D. Peck, Ms.;-Jones, N. H.; Hon. Thomas E. Powers, Vt.; Rev. Mr. McCurdy, Mass; Hon. A. C. Barstow, R. I.; Hon. Reuben H. Walworth, N. Y.;
T. B. Sequr, N. J.; E. W. Jackson, Pa.; Jno. W. Evans, Del.; Christian Keener, Md.; Gen. Cocke, Va.; W. C. Knight, Mich; Gen S. F Cary, Ohio; E.
Hannakman, Ind.; Mr. Rucker, Ill.; Rev. Jno. Gridley, Wis.; Rev. A. Bullard, D. D., Mo.; Judge O'Neill, N. C., with power to complete the representation from other States.

Dr. Townsend then moved that the expenses of the ladies who had been induced to attend on the call of the meeting, be defrayed by the meeting.

(Cries to Order.) The Doctor stated, as his reason for making the motion, that these women had come, some of them, from the Western part of the State, and other distant places, to attend this meeting, that they had been outraged, as well as deceived by this whole transaction, and that he thought the least thing the Convention could do would be to pay their expenses.

Col. E. L. Snow, of New York, followed with some remarks pointedly condemning the action of the Convention in expelling women.

Mr. J. W. Oliver, of New York, begged his friend, Dr. Townsend, to withdraw his motion as not desired by the ladies themselves.

Dr. Townsend remarked that he had accomplished his purpose, of entering his earnest protest against the outrage which he considered the Convention had committed upon some of the most noble-souled co-workers in this cause in the land.

A number of speeches followed from Messrs. Hewett, of Mass.; Jackson, Duffield, and Chambers, of Penn.; Oliver and Wood, of New York, and others. These gentlemen all defended the action of the Convention.

Dr. Hewett quoted from Paul and other Scriptural authorities, which he claimed to be against women speaking in the Church, and in favor of asking her husband at home, &c. He would have nothing to do with the women.

Rev. Mr. Chambers was particularly severe upon one of the excluded ladies, (Abby Kelly Foster,) whose name he declined to give, charging her with outraging the proprieties of her sex, trampling the very Son of God under her blasphemous feet. For his part, he was glad these women were gone; they had thus gotten rid of the scum of the Convention.

Much confusion prevailed at this stage of the proceeding.

E. W. Jackson, of Penn., said he had known some of these women for twenty years. They were in the habit of disturbing the Anti-Slavery meetings in the same way, with their stuff and nonsense about "Women's Rights." They had come to this Hall, expressly, to do what they had attempted to-day. But he would inform the gentleman over the way, (Dr. Townsend.) that they had not come to New York to attend this Convention, but other Conventions with which their names would be found associated. He was very severe upon the expelled ladies, and received warm applause from the majority.

The President of the Convention, (Mr. Barstow of R. I.,) followed in some remarks of equal severity. He referred to " women in breeches "as a disgrace to their sex, &c. He did not know what such women were good for. He believed they were never productive in anything but mischief. (Laughter and cheers.)

The discussion was here closed by the final withdrawal of Dr. Townsend's motion to pay the expenses of the rejected female delegates.

A collection to pay the keeper of the hall, and to defray other incidental expenses, was taken up, the President exhorting to liberality, and remarking that any surplus could go into the hands of Dr. Marsh, in aid of the American Temperance Union. The meeting then adjourned sine die.

[See Appendix for Meeting of Seceding Delegates, Tabernacle Meeting, and Lucy Stone's Review of the Proceedings at the Brick Church.]

WHOLE WORLD'S
TEMPERATURE CONVENTION.

Morning Session.

This convention met at 10 o'clock Thursday morning, at Metropolitan Hall, about 1,00 persons being present, representing different sections of the United States, Canada and England. During the morning, there were constant accessions by the arrival of delegates.

Rev. T. W. Higginson, of Massachusetts, moved the temporary organization of the Convention, and asked that nominations for a Chairman be made. Mr. L. P. Noble, President of the State Temperance Alliance, was nominated as temporary Chairman. This nomination was unanimously accepted, but, it being ascertained that Mr. Noble was not yet present, Dr. Eleazar Parmly was unanimously elected in his stead.

Miss Susan B. Anthony of Rochester, was unanimously elected temporary Secretary of the Convention.

The President announced the appointment of the following Committee, to report the names of individuals for a permanent organization.

Joseph Dugdale, of Pennsylvania; E. L. Snow, of New York; Sydney Pearce, of Pennsylvania; Mrs. M. A. Johnson, of New York; Paulina W. Davis, of Rhode Island; and Caleb Clark, of Connecticut. The name of C. C. Shoals, Esq., of Wisconsin, was added to the list.

This committee retired to deliberate.

The President announced that during the absence of the Committee Mr. Charles C. Burleigh, of Philadelphia, would address the
Convention.

Mr. Burleigh took the stand and speak as follows:

I hardly know. my friends, how to begin to address a Convention like this, upon such a short notice as has been given me, to come before you as the first speaker on this occasion; for, three minutes ago, I had no more expectation of any such call, than I had of a call to go on a mission to the Celestial Empire. Still those who are engaged in this cause, I suppose, are bound to be minute-men.

When the world meets in Convention in behalf of a cause which is so doubly interesting to all the world's inhabitants, it meets to advocate an enterprise in the advocacy and earnest prosecution and complete success of which, the world has an eminent and manifest need. Nowhere can we turn, without seeing abundant proof of the truth of this proposition, and indeed, of the abundant need of the prosecution of this enterprise. We have only to look about us in this great city, to observe the traces of the deadly influence of intemperance. Everywhere, we face crime, disease and death, all testify to the necessity of the prosecution of the cause, of steadfast and unwavering
effort and prompt action to lead to complete success.

This is an enterprise that recognizes no distinction of cast, sect, or nation; it is one that exhibits devotion to the great family of man. We need all the help of those who are willing to help, whatever be the sex or station of the individual, to engage in the work in which universal humanity is interested; a work which seeks the welfare of universal man.

Our enemies never stop to discriminate-why should we? They are quite as ready to deal with one cast, one sex and one race as with another-they are just as ready to sow the seeds of poison-of moral and physical pestilence and death in one station as another, and we must meet them everywhere-we must leave no avenue undefended; no point accessible to their attack.

In whatever parts we are assailed, we must be ready to oppose them with whatever is in the range of rightful action, and our means are ample. We must show, from the observation and experience of the world, the evils which have arisen from the vice of intemperance, and contrast them with the blessings proceeding from Temperance. These blessings we must scatter broad-cast over the land, till there shall not be on the broad earth a single victim to the deadly vice, or a single wailing mourner over its sad consequences. [Applause.] We are to prosecute this enterprise, moreover, upon the most stringent principles of reform-no compromise with the adversary-we take our ground upon this stand-that the use and preparation of intoxicating beverages is a moral wrong, and therefore the whole business of the manufacture, the sale, and the use ought to be assaulted with exterminating warfare. "No quarter," is our motto-we ask one. We ask none,
because we stand upon truth as our stronghold. Our fortress is impregnable, our panoply is irreristible. The sword which we wield is like that which the archangel swayed; it is so tempered that nothing is so solid as to resist its edge. We have no occasion to ask for quarter; therefore we claim nocred it for heroism. We desire to put an end to this traffic; we recognize that alcoholic drinks are not fit articles for commerce, and are not fit to be found anywhere in domestic use. Anything short of this full recognition opposes our operations. The moment we begin to compromise with Temperance, to go down to any lower ground, to adopt any half way measures, at that instant we give up any power which we possess of ensuring our ultimate success. We have seen this policy pursued in former days. We have seen the time when a moderate use of intoxicating drinks has been recommended, and have sometimes seen the very preacher of the doctrine become the living witness of the fallacy of his own preaching.

So long as man tampers with intoxicating drinks, so long does he justify the manufacture and the sale in large and small quantities, and so long as it is sold must the use of it be abused, and use is the accompaniment of temptation.-We have had our eyes upon facts for twenty years, and we can see the operation of the sale of intoxicating drinks upon the people of our country, whose mental, moral and physical constitutions-perhaps inherited constitutions-are such that they cannot face the intoxicating bowl with safety. The young men who take their first glass, being fascinated by its powers of intoxication, continue its practice. But they never meant to become the complete slaves of appetite. They are just as sure that they are at the right point as the veteran moderate drinkers, who have been for fifteen and twenty years steeped in alcohol, till they imagine themselves proof against its influence. Yet we know, that multitudes of this class have
fallen, and we know that multitudes are falling, and therefore we know that the temptation set before the young men ought not to be placed there. A regard for principle demands its removal, and the common sense and intelligence of the community have prepared the public mind to assert the necessity for carrying the principle out.

If respectable individuals who drink liquor stand upon their character and long-tried reputation, if they may indulge, it is certainly right that others may supply them; for the rightfulness of a demand proves the rightfulness of supply. How is the manufacturer to know that the wholesale dealer sells to those who can safely use? and how is the wholesale dealer to determine whether the retailer will use wisdom in the selection of persons to whom he sells? And again, how is the retailer to know whether the consumer will make a judicious use of the beverage purchased? It will be seen, therefore that no other principle is practicable for effectually assailing the source-the cause of all the multiplied evils of intemperance. We must cause the rum-seller to be regarded with the same feelings as is now the pickpocket and highwayman-as invaders of the rights and welfare of mankind.

We do not deny but there are many marvelous standards of respectability among the rumsellers and rum makers, but there is a vast deal of inconsistency in the details of this subject, and probably will be for some time to come. We must, therefore, adopt some other standard whereby to try actions and customs than the respectability of those who perform those actions, and we ask, therefore, not that the individuals engaged in the business are respectable, but whether the business itself is respectable, or in other words, can the business of a man who begins the work of the destruction of body and soul by all the skill and ingenuity in the power of man be made to occupy a position of respectability. The individual occupying this position may point to the low groggeries as the cause of evil, but he is avoiding the true issue. The facts are that the low groggeries would not be patronized were it not that the patrons see that the higher grogshop
patrons set the example. The young man who first commences the downward path, sees at the outset of his journey little beside flowers and roses. Gradually thorns beset him, and at last he finds himself so beset with brambles that to retrace his steps he finds it to be perhaps impossible, even if he have the manliness, courage and nerve to attempt it.

We must compromise nothing. Total abstinence from the manufacture, sale and use we must war for, and hope by our admonitions, precepts, and examples to save mankind from impending peril.

Mr. Burleigh was frequently interrupted by applause during the course of his remarks.

The Committee appointed to designate officers for the meeting, returned at this point of the proceedings, and reported the following:-

President:
THOMAS W. HIGGINSON, Mass.

Vice-Presidents:

John Pierpont, Massachusetts.
C. J. H. Nichols, Vermont.
P. T. Barnum, Connecticut.
Horace Greeley, New York.
Asa Fairbanks, Rhode Island.
Lucretia Mott, Pennsylvania.
C. M. Severance, Ohio.
H. W. Wolcott, New Jersey.
John. O. Waters, Indiana.
Edward Webb, Delaware.
Richard B. Glazier, Michigan.
Frances B. Gage, Missouri.
S. M. Booth, Wisconsin.
H. S. Tilton, Mississippi.
O. C. Wheeler, California.
W. G. Hubbard, Illinois.
T. Goldsmith, Canada.
W. H. Ashurst, England.

Secretaries:

Susan B. Anthony, New York.
C. B. Le Baron, New York.
C. M. Burleigh, Pennsylvania.
D. W. Vaughan, Rhode Island.
Mary Jackson, England.

Rev. T. W. Higginson, the Chairman, was received with applause. He said:

I need hardly way I deem it a high honor to preside over a Convention like this, whether I consider the circumstances under which it was first called, or the great audience I now see before me. It is unusual, on the first morning's session of a convention which is to last two days, to see so many earnest faces in attendance as there are now present. I have no doubt but that I shall have little occasion to enforce the customary rules of order; you are all disposed, I am sure, to keep order yourselves. I have heard, since I came into this Hall, some expressions from those who do not understand us or our purpose, upon which I will say one word. Let it be understood, once for all, what this Convention is; this is not a Woman's Rights Convention-it is simply a Convention in which Woman is not wronged-and that is enough. [Applause.] It is what it aims to be, in spirit, if not in numbers-a whole World's Convention; it claims to be so, and it rightly claims it, because its spirit is what ought to be the spirit of the whole world in carrying on a Temperance
movement; a spirit which knows no limitation of sect or sex-a spirit knows no limitation of station or color-which knows no limitation except that between those who earnestly desire to prosecute the Temperance movement and that of those who would stand in its way, perhaps because "they know not what they do." In this sense it is a World's Convention, because it is world wide in its spirit; and in no other aspect do I regard it when I stand here. I am glad to see that it is a Convention composed of a due and satisfactory proportion of women as well as men; and that for a plain reason-because it is to be a Temperance Convention, and we must have women here to take part in our deliberations. It was said by some, after we came out from the preliminary meeting which led to the call for this World's Convention, "How could you, who love the Temperance cause, risk it by coming out from that meeting, one-sided though it be?" Our answer is-because we did not desire to risk the Temperance cause by staying in [applause]; because we knew that staying in was to risk it, by cutting off one-half the human race, whose energies and whose feelings, hearts, heads, and hands, must co-operate in this great movement. We thought that an attempt to carry on the Temperance movement, without a full and equal co-operation of women, would be like the boy who tried to row himself in a boat with but one oar. He reasoned that if one side went forward, the other would also; so the consequence was he kept rowing round and about in the East River, for a whole day, without making any progress. [Laughter.]

Previous to Neal Dow making any movement in the direction of his celebrated law, the initiative had been taken by a woman of Portland, who entered a groggery and emptied the rum jugs from which her husband had been drawing his daily poison. So Maine affords some information of the assistance rendered to the furtherance of the cause by our sisters. We know at least the claims of woman; we know that if man is the father of the Temperance movement, woman is its bounteous and beautiful mother, and without her it would be motherless, and consequently unborn to this day. We know, then, where we stand-our being here-our action-our equal recognition of the rights of woman to speak, settle that question. Now let us leave it behind; let the dead past bury its dead; let us say nothing of those from whom we differ in this movement-let it be an honest difference-let us go on and do our work. Our work to day is to help the movement on-to remember those in bonds, bound in chains stronger and more galling than iron, and than human laws can put around them, because they are the chains of their own degraded
passions and ruined natures. Let us aid those fallen ones if they can yet be aided. No statistics can touch their condition. We know a few dry facts-but what of it? We know that every day in some part of this wide world there has been a murder, the result of intemperance, because we know from statistics that the number of murders annually from that cause, is as great as the number of days in the year. And hence the probability that a murder will be committed in some part of the country, today, from intemperance. The statistics of suicides exhibit the same state of things; and so we may imagine that some wretched inebriate has taken his life under the influence of alcoholic poison, this very day. We know, too, that there are at least 50,000 women in the United States, the victims of intemperance, and for them we need to work. But what are all those statistics but the merest and dryest skeleton of the living and terrible fact? These are the units-the tens the hundreds-the mere dry figures. To find the extent of the evil with which we have to contend, you must multiply every individual case into hundreds and thousands, and that into centuries, and that into all the relations of father, mother, brother and sister; and when you have conceived all this, the long catalogue of wretchedness is only begun. It is not in my power to find language to exhibit the awful evils of intemperance: I will not try it. It is in our power, however, to do something to help along a movement so benevolent as this, assisting not a class, but every one in the community. It helps the citizen by diminishing his taxation-it helps the parent by diminishing their temptation of his son-and it helps the man and the woman by diminishing their temptations. I call on you to act and speak while here, in such a manner, in such a spirit of noble earnestness, with such an energy of will, and tenderness of heart, that the poorest wretch who lingers by night in some dark polluted corner of those Five Points, may feel blest and a little uplifted towards purity again, by the action which takes place in this Convention. I call on you to act in such a manner that all the noble spirits of the earth will act with you, whether they realized the co-operation. I call upon you to act in such a manner, that all the wretched of the earth shall, in some degree, rejoice as though they came within the wide range of your charities and the gentle influence of your heroic zeal. This is what I have asked of you, and in this spirit I have accepted the office you have imposed upon me and in that spirit I will endeavor to discharge the duties appertaining to it. [Applause.]

A bouquet merchant-an elderly, pleasantish Quaker, well known to all Broadway promenaders and opera-goers-here made his appearance, with smiling countenance, proffering tempting baskets of his commodities. He ascended the stage without warning of his intention, solemnly deposited two baskets of handsomely arranged flowers, and jumping nervously up, ejaculated; "I am dead set agin rumselling! He added that he was in the of disposing of his flowers at the hotels and in public places, and he wanted to make a votive offering on the shrine of Temperance,-thereupon depositing his baskets-full.

The President thanked him and the house laughed.

The President deemed it proper to call upon Rev. Thomas Goldsmith, of Canada, to open the meeting with prayer.

The prayer was offered.

Mr. Horace Greely moved the appointment of a Business Committee of five.

Carried.

The Committee was appointed as follows; Horace Greely, of New York; C. C. Sholes, of Wisconsin; Lucy Stone, of Massachusetts; C, C. Burleigh, of Connecticut; Harriot K. Hunt, of Massachusetts.

The Committee retired to the room on the right of the stage, to deliberate.

Mr. Whitney, of Massachusetts, moved the appointment of a Committee on Credentials.

The Chairman said that, according to the terms of the Call of the Convention, he must rule that credentials were unnecessary. All persons
sympathizing with the object of the meeting, were entitled to take part in its deliberations. However, a list of members was desirable, and he thought the idea of a Committee a very good one.

The following Committee on Credentials, was appointed:

D. S. Whitney, Mass.; C. B. LeBaron, New York; C, M. Burleigh, Conn.; D. C. Bloomer, New York; Edward Webb, Delaware: ; Mrs. L. N. Fowler, New York; E. W. Capron, Mass.,; Dr. Wellington New York; J. P. Hutchins, Conn.; H. M. Rhodes, New Jersey; W. G. Hubbard, Illinois; Mrs. Vaughan, Ohio.

The Chairman said the Business Committee would be out for a few minutes, and in the meantime, he had a suggestion to make, and he proposed to tell a story first. It was to the effect that a young lady somewhere Down-East had conceived the idea that the Maine Law had something to do with music. The reason was this. Her father, a distiller, had promised her a present of a new piano unless the Maine Law passed, and the piano had never come. She thought it must have something to do with music, and that was all she knew about it.

As music was, therefore, eminently appropriate for Temperance demonstrations, the "Amphion Glee Club" should be invited to exercise
their vocal talent.

The spokesman of the "Amphions" made a small preliminary speech.

It was well known that the world-renowned Hutchinsons sang "The Good Time Coming." By your permission we will sing you the "Dawn of the Good Time Coming". Upon which, there was great applause, and the song was duly given. It was hopeful lay. It spoke of the best of times to come.

"Truth and error now are fighting,
Truth, soon will win the field."

And added this:

"We can work, as well as others,
And there's work enough to do."

The President then introduced Rev. Miss Antoinette L. Brown, the Pastor of an Orthodox Congregational Church at South Butler, N. Y., who was enthusiastically received. She said:

The Whole World's Temperance Convention,-room on its broad platform for everybody! "Parthians, and Medes, and Elamites, and the dwellers in Mesopotamia, in Judea and Cappadocia, in Pontus and Asia, Phrygia, and Pamphylia, in Egypt and in the parts of Libya about Cyrene, and strangers about Rome, Jews and Proselytes, Cretes and Arabians"-every man who may come here speaks his own tongue wherein he was born, about one of the most needed reforms ever launched on the ocean of events. Here is Woman invited to speak into the great ear-trumpet of the world, that all may hear. No wonder that the Woman's Rights Convention should be called directly hereafter. It follows immediately on upon the present occasion. But I am reminded that in this Temperance gathering teetotalism is to be discussed in
its length and breadth-nothing else and nothing more; not a word about Woman and her rights. This may be well, but there's a good time coming, friends; wait a little longer. The sun may be everywhere seen, though it is not yet up in the meridian. Milk for babes, but strong meat afterwards. Temperance and Woman's Rights, chopped up together, would be a potato and meal amalgamation, quite nauseous to many modern reformers, even by those who like either when served up by itself. Hash is an old-fashioned dish used at large banquets. But any one has a right to speak of Temperance to the world, even though this right has been disputed and virtually voted away. Who does not see this to have been in bad taste-and not a word here about any woman's right to vote, even in favor of a Maine Law, although the world disfranchises one-half of its inhabitants: although they are not recognized as belonging to its inhabitants, and although the other part are licensed to sell and to use what bring them desolation and ruin, with the exception of those who live in the darkness of heathenism, in a few Yankee States and a few imitators of Yankee States; not a word about all this. Say nothing about this, and not a breath either about a woman's owing service or labor to her intemperate husband, and his right to take her earnings. Are we not told that the great nation of the earth are sanctifying such a system of things? Do not let it be known that the father has the whole custody of the children, although a drunkard, and that he may take them away from the mother and apprentice them as a security for his own grog-bill; and that he may, in his last will and testament, give them over to the rum-seller for the whole term of their minority. Not a word about all this. Why, this belongs to Woman's
Rights, and what has it to do with the temperance cause? It may be that this is after all a distinction without a difference; for we always find the degradation of women connected with the rum-traffic. The world will tell us that the drunken man may be expected to blend together his thoughts, and take up various subjects at the same time, while the wine he has drunk makes his brain to boil like a red hot hasty-pudding, or a boiling hodge-podge till you may no more expect an idea from his expressions, than you could pick out all the particles of the apple or cabbage from the homogeneous mass of a heterogenous stew. Wine dulls the brain, of course; but cold-water men and
women ever should keep closely to the point. There are certain different sanative processes, for both moral and physical ills. Our friends here may belong to those who follow the old process. They may be those who are accustomed to giving us good old fashioned measure pressed down and running over. There may be perhaps no hydropathists here dealing in cold water for the cure of [the] evils intemperance. But they may be accustomed to give us medicines steaming hot. There may be those here leaning regretfully towards old, regular, orthodox allopathy. All this is well, and yet, since the regular old orthodox physicians have not succeeded in curing the evils of intemperance, I think we should turn to the innovator, who goes to work another way to cure these evils. I feel here, this morning, in attempting to speak, like John the Baptist; for I am only preparing the way for those who are "to come after me, the latchets of whose shoes I am not worthy to unloose." I appear here to speak at the request of our committee, who for a while have gone from us. Still there is enough to be said. But those who will come after me will take up the temperance question in its length and breadth, and will deal with it as it deserves. Words gushing from the heart will be spoken by them, and all those who are here must be convinced; for these speakers will know how to stir up the hearths of all the world to the great subject of the Maine Law. I hardly know how to leave out saying something about the other Convention; but yet since the dead are to bury the dead, I will leave the matter, simply saying that if the other Convention have nothing to say on the matter, yet may their thoughts be troubled and their consciences burdened until the day of repentance.

"Oh, wad some power the giftie gie us,
To see ourselves as women see us;
It wad fra many a blunder free us;
And foolish notion."

[Loud laughter and applause.]

A few words in regard to Temperance. The rattlesnake is the father of rattlesnakes,-the crocodile begets crocodiles; and so the drunkard is the parent of drunkards. "Can the Ethiopian change his skin, or the leopard his spots?" Then, can the child of the drunkard, that caricature of humanity-half madman and half brute-go untamed? There is One who can give him a new heart, and a high and holy purpose of soul. But is there any one to give him a new physical organization?-is there any balm in Gilead to soothe his heavy pulses, full of the drunkard's blood, that courses with scorching labor through his entire system? Who is there to caution him against plucking the forbidden fruits of self-indulgence? God help thee poor child of the drunkard! temptation lying at every point along this road of life, Alas! then, how great the struggle that awaits thee, lying in the presence of inebriated humanity almost strangled by the serpents that are come to devour thee while thou art yet in thy cradle! But, perform the labor of Hercules-overcome the serpents-and thou may'st be saved, yet, only so as by fire, else thy heart will congeal some time with the thought that no heart is beating responsively with thine own and thy blood will boil with remorse when temptation is calling upon thee. Oh, falter not! Nature will lull thee into peace, the voice of the birds will soothe and interest thee, and the storm-cloud will no more gain power over thy impatient nature. Take heed to thy steps, and God will send His Guardian Angel to guard thy foot against the stone! But, alas! that this struggle should have been awarded thee! Men who have hearts, let your legal sophistry sleep for a while, and let your compassion be aroused for the children, of whom Christ said, "of such is the kingdom of Heaven." Look at their degradation, when they are cursed with drunken parents. Look now in this dear little face. It would be fair enough, if there were only a soul-life to flash over it. But it is an almost blank vacuity. You read there impressions of a gross nature, notwithstanding all that baby innocence. Yet you see a shadow over that face, reflecting the past and prophetic of the future. Poor child, with that worn little face smothered with dirt and filth. Fit emblem of your life is the little mole that lives under ground. There is sunshine in the sky, but you will never look upward. You may well bow your head, for your one talent is rolled up in the napkin of parental sin. God of justice, must there be every year thousands of such children born in our land? Here is another child, with baby smiles and baby tears crossing each other down its face, gushing up from its little heart-fountain, struggling each for the mastery. If God would only take her to Heaven now, she would become one of the happiest of angel cherubs; but the fevered effect of the wine-cup delirium descends though her face, and the angels will weep over her, and remorse will pluck out the smiles, while she is yet a child. Her bright young head will grow grey in early womanhood, they will lay it down in an early grave-the earth will not be moistened by a single tear-no flowers will grow over her; or if they do, the old sexton will cut them down, muttering as he passes by. We should grow weary in reading the destinies of children such as these-types of human depravity and human sin. They are the children of intemperance, but they are heirs of the same inheritance, and so, as surely as the cup of temptation is not taken from them, will they thus miserably perish. Has the law nothing to answer for in all this? May good men be allowed to sign their names to sanction a traffic which produces results like these? Must they continue to sanctify intemperance and make the world buy their soul-destroying drink, and then talk of a good moral character of themselves? Rumsellers good moral characters? The thief, the murderer, the libertine, can lay as good claim to a good moral character as the patentees and patronizers of alcohol,-that genuine oil of licentiousness. They ought to be weighed in the
balance together, to see which will be found wanting.

It is against our principles to call hard names, but surely he who places the temptation in the way is worse than the one led astray. There were certain artists who knew how to print invisible pictures so that when placed in the sunlight or before a fire, and as by a magic wand, tint after tint appears till the whole landscape stands before us in all its beauty and heightened coloring. So it is as soon as the fires of alcohol approach the soul, they bring out in legible tracing the sin which might else have remained in that narrow fold for ever. Men have created this crime-producing forge, and are blowing it by the legal bellows, and then they point the finger of scorn at their victims, and terribly punish them. The human heart, corrupted by this vile fire, soon fans it into a blaze which leads to every crime, while its legal
abettors point the finger of scorn at their own victims and allow the cold hand of punishment to pursue them. There is no excuse for the drunkard, and there is much less for the tempter of Drunkenness. He has taken the trade of Satan into his own hands, and he shall receive the reward from his Father with usury. The sun throws its golden border around the cloud which is struggling to secure its beams, and so the moral sunshine throws its glorious tints around the souls of those who have suffered, giving them hope of a better and brighter future. Were it not for this we should have no hope at some future day of a world-sustained Maine Law. Hope is an anchor to the soul-it drops its line into the future and it holds us steadily and trustingly upon the troubled waters of the present. Shall the heart trust in the nobility of humanity-in the God-like in human nature? Shall its trust in all this be a mocking delusion? We will not believe it. There have been bad laws; bad statutes before this. They have been coined out of human selfishness, out of fiendish malignity, and yet penitent human tears have washed them away, and human love has substituted better in their stead. There is thick darkness yet, but light is gathering strength in the world; and the voice of God is whispering over and around us, "Take courage and be strong, for the career of your race is upward and onward."

Loud and long-continued applause followed the delivery of this address, which was listened to throughout with the deepest interest.

Horace Greeley, the Chairman of the Business Committee, then came forward and said:

The Committee have instructed me to report a series of resolutions, which we intend to cover, as nearly as possible, the ground of Temperance, faith and action. I do not know but that some of them may be supposed to cover a little more than the ground, yet I trust they will commend themselves, in the main, to your understandings and consciences. The Report and Resolutions are as follows:

1. Resolved, That the cause of Total Abstinence from all that may intoxicate-whether considered with regard to the magnitude and virulence of the evils it combats, to the good it has already achieved, to the work which it has still to do, or to the power of the selfish interests and depraved appetites which it combats and must vanquish-deserves the warmest sympathy, and the most active, devoted support, of every servant of God every lover of humanity.
2. Resolved, That it especially behoves the Christian Church, in all its divisions and denominations, as also every other religious organization, to cooperate with all its might in the great work of Temperature Reform, by the diffusion of light and truth with regard to the nature and effects of alcoholic liquors, by the enforcement of total abstinence as a part of its imperative discipline, and by the restraining of all whom it may influence, all who recognize its authority, from any participation in the guilty gains of the Liquor Traffic.
3. Resolved, That the manufacture and sale of alcoholic beverages, in view of the moral certainty that they will be used, nine times in ten, to the injury, if not the ruin, of their consumers, is an immoral and destructive business, in which no one, who recognizes the obligation of Love to God and Man, can henceforth engage without guilt; and we do most earnestly entreat those involved in it to ponder well their steps, and ask themselves this question: "Is the business of a distiller, a brewer, a rumseller, one wherein I ought to be willing to live and content to die?"
4. Resolved, That the State should be everywhere, and to the extent of its ability, a guardian of the weak, a protector of the assailed, an admonisher of the beguiled and tempted, among its citizens and subjects; that it should ever revere and conform to the divinely-prescribed supplication, "Lead us not into temptation, but deliver us from evil;" and that there is no position toward the Liquor traffic which it can consistently and worthily maintain but that of declared and uncompromising hostility.
5. Resolved, That the fundamental, undeniable, scientifically demonstrated fact that Alcohol is a poison, of itself to prove that it ought not to be presented in such forms and combinations as will tend to disguise its character and blind the uninformed to its baleful potency; but should always be sent forth from the drug-store and the chemical laboratory, where alone it should be sold, either pure and undiluted, or in such combinations as do not disguise its deadly properties, and do not tempt a depraved appetite or a reckless desire for novel sensations; for, since Satan is only perilous to the peace and happiness of Eden when disguised, it is a crime to assist him in disguising himself.
6. Resolved, That we impeach the use of fermented or alcoholic wine in the solemn celebration of the Eucharist as a profane and impious desecration; since that which poisons and destroys men can be no true symbol of that which purifies, restores and saves; and we challenge the current assumption that wine devoid of alcohol is unattainable, in a country where the grape grows so profusely, and in an age when the resources of chemistry are so abundant as on ours, as founded in the grossest ignorance, the most indolent heedlessness, or the most flagrant dishonesty.
7. Resolved, That while all well-directed efforts to reclaim the unfortunate victims of Intemperance, to virtue, self-respect, usefulness and happiness, should receive our ready and ardent co-operation, it is, nevertheless a truth not to be concealed that Drunkenness is a Crime- that no father, husband, or son-no mother, wife, or daughter-has any moral right to be a drunkard; and that they who are such deserving of sympathy only in common with the libertine, harlot, gambler, thief, burglar, robber and assassin.
8. Resolved, That ample experience has demonstrated what the prescience of sages and philanthropists long ago affirmed, that all wise effort for the removal of evils should begin at the root and deal with causes rather than effects; and that to attempt the eradication of Intemperance without objecting to the License system or opposing the legal protection of the Rum Traffic, would be as shallow and absurd as to attempt the destruction of a living tree by pruning off some of its outermost branches.
9. Resolved, That Human Laws should in all things be based upon and conform to the sovereign Law of God, as summed up in those Divine injunctions, "Love God with all thy heart, and they neighbor as thyself," and "Do unto others as ye would than others should do unto you;" and therefore the licensing of men to sell intoxicating beverages is irreconcilably at war with any just idea of the nature, functions, and ends of Government, as well as with that Higher Law which bids us "Have no fellowship with the unfruitful works of darkness, but rather reprove them."
10. Resolved, That The Maine Law, so called, is superior to all preceding enactments respecting the Liquor Traffic, in that it consistently and explicitly forbids all traffic in intoxicating beverages as such, makes the rumseller's liquor and implements of trade conclusive evidence of a guilty intent to sell, instead of requiring specific proof of a particular, positive act of sale, confiscates and destroys those implements, like those of the gambler and counterfeiter, authorizes prompt and efficient searches of suspected premises on oath or information that the Liquor Traffic is probably prosecuted there, and places generally in the hands of Temperance men the means of thoroughly breaking up and suppressing the work of death wherever they faithfully and fearlessly do their duty; and we most earnestly entreat our brethren in every State and country to spare no effort to procure the general enactment of this law, so modified and improved, according to the dictates of experience, as to render it a most efficient terror to evil-doers, and a mortal blow to the Liquor Traffic.
11. Resolved, That the cry, "The Main Law is ineffectual," is raised entirely by those who ever desired, or at least never tried, to have it otherwise; while we have abundant evidence, in the hostility and alarm of our adversaries, as well as in the direct testimony of our friends, that the Law does work a gratifying diminution of the Liquor Traffic, even where public sentiment and public officers prove unfaithful to the duty of giving the law full force, and thus stopping the desolating traffic altogether.
12. Resolved, That we do most earnestly entreat our fellow citizens, friendly to the Temperance cause, in voting for law-makers, to subordinate all partizan or other consideration, to the securing of Legislatures that will enact, uphold, and from time to time improve Laws of Prohibition,-regarding that as of infinitely greater consequence than anything else likely to be affected by the manner in which their votes are this year cast.
13. Resolved, That the present exigencies of the Temperature cause imperatively demand the immediate and rapid multiplication of Temperance Tracts, more elaborate Essays, and Charts illustrating the effects of Alcohol on the Human system; and we therefore call upon our Publishers, Booksellers, and Periodical Agents to issue or purchase such tracts, essays and charts in infinite variety and limitless abundance, pledging ourselves to promote their circulation be every means within our power.
14. Resolved, That in the prosecution of the Temperature Reform we are determined to know no distinction of Creed, Caste or Sex-of section party or condition-but to fraternize thoroughly, and act cordially with all who in heart and life, by word and deed,
prove themselves worthy and earnest champions of Total Abstinence.
15. Resolved, That we respectfully and affectionately exhort all who receive as truth the sentiments expressed in these Resolves, to live and labor in consistency therewith, and to lose no time in forming and perfecting organizations calculated to insure efficiency o their efforts and triumph to their cause.

Mr. Greeley said,

I propose, Mr. Chairman, ladies and gentlemen, friends of Temperance, with your permission, to make some remarks, mainly directed to the ninth resolution. I hear men say almost every day, in this rum-sodden City, that you should not enact the Maine Law, because you cannot enforce such law. Now suppose that were true-suppose that we, in this rum-sodden City, would not be able to enforce the Maine Liquor Law, would that be a fair reason for not enacting it? Suppose we were accustomed to practice infanticide, would that be a sound reason for enacting no law against it? I do not, therefore, admit that if it were true that the rum traffic could not be modified by the Maine Law, that it would be a valid reason for not enacting the Maine Law. I do not ask what laws are in accordance with public sentiment, and what laws
people choose to obey; but the stand-point upon which laws should be placed, is that of eternal and intrinsic right. Is the act right that it should be lawful then it is lawful in the eye of God; and should be in the eye of the State. Is the act wrong, destructive, corrupting and demoralizing, then it is in the eye of God and in the eye of the State, to be considered as an unlawful act, and the State should so declare it. Now, then, if the rum traffic is a corrupting and debasing traffic-as who doubts, or who disputes, that is reason enough why the State should condemn it. Here we have in this town 6,000 licensed grog-shops-how many unlicensed I cannot tell, but the police may probably
inform me upon that subject. [Laughter] But I think from the duty, if it be a duty of picking out the unlicensed rum-shops, when I am not allowed to do anything with the 6,000 licensed rum-holes, where murders, theft, drunkenness, and burglary, constantly take place under the license of the law [Applause.] Why should I go ferreting them out, for there is no possible distinction between the licensed and unlicensed? Why should I go ferreting
out and hunting down some poor widow who keeps an unlicensed grog-shop, and cannot raise $10 to pay for a license? Why should I ferret out some foreigner who cannot procure a license, because he has not lived here sufficiently long to be naturalized? On what moral ground can I hunt up these poor wretches, and make them stop selling, when I know that, by so doing, I am simply putting more money into the pockets of the 6,000 licensed sellers, better off, more thrifty, and more comfortable-rum-sellers who have a license in their pockets and who thrust license in my face, and defy all efforts for suppression? [Loud applause.] Give us the Maine Law, and I pledge you that we will organize, and do what we can to put down the liquor traffic here. [Applause.] We will get the sign-boards off the grog-shop doors-we
will take the labelled bottles with their colored poisons from the windows, if we cannot get the liquor out of the back dens of the grog-shops. [Applause.] We will keep liquor from tempting and alluring the poor wretch, who finds it so convenient is his path, and who is kept drunk simply because the State lays the temptation everywhere in his way, and he is too frail and too weak not to stumble over it. [Applause.] We will labor for temperance here-we will labor to put down the rum traffic, and if the friends of Temperance in this portion of the State will influence the members of the legislature who will be elected this Fall, we may do something; but we can do very little here in a community, where one-fourth of the voters are this day making money, of hope to make money, by the rum-traffic. We can do very little here where the great commercial interest which controls public opinion by controlling the press, is everywhere linked in chains of guilty amity, and guilty connection with the liquor-traffic. We can do very little here towards electing members, though we will do what we can, who will vote to put down the rum-traffic; but give us law upon our side, and you will see fewer drunkards in our streets and fewer shops on all our corners. So much we will do, if we cannot do every thing. I propose rather to speak to the abstract than the practical question. What is the fact with regard to the proper relation between law and public sentiment? Ought law to conform to public sentiment, or ought law to be based upon essential righteousness, and then challenge public sentiment to act in conformity therewith? I hold that the uses of law are not simply restrictions in a physical sense, but a higher, a nobler, a more universal,
and a better use of law is that of perpetual admonition. The sword set before the gate of the garden, to turn this way and that way, did not do its duty by directly cutting and hacking the flesh of those who came there, but as a mark that a higher power than theirs had forbidden people to pass. So now, then, if we had laws in every that conformed to righteousness, we should have a moral influence constantly exerted to bring public sentiment and public action in conformity therewith. Take, for instance, the rum traffic. There are 1,000 men every year entering into that traffic, in this City, and taking the place of those who have gone away forever. Still, the men who are coming up to take their places do not care. The men who have chances before them to get a living a little easier by selling rum, than by
planing boards, are every day called upon to make choice. "Shall I buy up this rum hole?" say they. "Can I not get my living easier by selling rum than by making bread?" But there is no man so stupid, so blind, so brutalized by rum that he would not rather get his living by a respectable vocation-one which the law honors, and the State protects-than by one which is under the ban of the law, and which makes him an outlaw, and an outcast in society. Then I say, if the law were enacted to day, although it should never come into existence here, the fact of such a law being in existence, would be one of moral influence, tending to dissuade men from the liquor traffic, and good men, moral men, and ignorant men, a little corrupted, would be warned and admonished by the fact, that the law forbade that traffic. We would then have fewer rumsellers, and they would more generally be that class who alone ought to sell rum: that is, the men who have no moral principle, and no qualms of conscience whatever: and there then would be an admonition upon the victims of the traffic, for liquor would not be sold so openly and conspicuously as it is now. It would be an admonition to the tippler, to the man beginning to drink, taking his social glass now and then. That man would say, "I must look to my steps." He would be brought to a pause. He would see that the place where he had been in the babit of visiting was closed; that the grog-shop had given way to a respectable grocery, and he would be compelled to ask, "What is the meaning of all this?" "Why are the rum-shops, formerly blazing in the light of day, shut up?" And the answer would be, because the law condemns them. Then comes the question-Why does the law condemn them? Because they are to my injury, to corrupt and ruin me. Thus admonished, he would be warned and saved, and tens of thousands would be admonished, warned, and saved. To day, there are thousands of men learning to be drunkards from fatuity-from want of employment-from an overplus of time, and from the necessity of finding rest as they walk our streets-those stony sultry streets-seeking employment, from one street to another, and
compelled to sit down and rest. Where shall they sit down? Why, there is no welcome but the grog-shop, and no man so glad to see them as the rum seller. Hence there is no class so intemperate in New York as the idle class; and one of the great evils of a strike for labor among us is, that it tends to
render those who strike more likely to be intemperate than they were before. If we were to have the Maine Law here, those corner grocery-stores must go down,-and that would save thousands, who now find them the most convenient, the most accessible, and the most inviting places of resort, when they must sit down somewhere.

The President announced that several letters had been received from different persons invited to participate in the deliberations of the Convention, which he would at this stage of the proceedings read. The first, from Neal Dow, Esq., was as follows:

Portland, Friday, Aug. 26, 1853.

Dear Sir: Your note of th 24th is just received, on my return from the East, where I have been on a Temperance tour.

I wish I felt myself entirely at liberty to comply with your invitation; but as it is, I do not see any way clear to do so. Having been absent from my family's private affairs so much, and being engaged to go to Pennsylvania soon, I wish to remain at home for a few weeks at least. * * * *

I see neither the wisdom or expediency of excluding women from Temperance Conventions; their earnest, equal and powerful co operation I earnestly desire.

Truly yours, .......... NEAL DOW.

The second letter introduced was from Hon. S. P. Chase:

Steubenville, O., Sunday, Aug. 28, 1853.

Gentlemen: Your note, inviting me, in behalf of the Committee of Arrangements of the Whole World's Temperance Convention, to be present at that Convention, has been forwarded to me from Cincinnati. My absence from home, and the constant engagements of my journey through the State, must be my excuse for delaying my reply.

I regret that it is impossible for me to accept the invitation which you have so kindly tendered me, and which I deem a very high honor. The great cause which the Convention assembles to promote has all my sympathies; and certainly, in the advancement of that cause, I would admit no distinction which would exclude from active participation, in labors and counsels for its promotion, any of those whom God has gifted with intelligence, humanity, and disposition, to share them, and who are, perhaps above others, interested in their results.

In great haste, yours truly, .......... S. P. CHASE.

R. T. Trall, Esq., Chairman; C. B. Le Baron, Secretary, c., c.

The following, from Hon. Horace Mann, was next read to the Convention:

West Newton, Saturday, May 21, 1853.

Dear Sir: I have read the full debate, as reported, of your meeting, and I assure you, my sympathies are with you.

* * * * I have a strong impulse to accept your invitation, and should do so at once, were I sure I could command the requisite time. But I have said a good deal of my say, in letters which have been published, and in my lectures on Intemperance, and I am necessarily to have a very laborious summer. I do not, therefore, dare to do anything more than promise conditionally-that is, in such a way that I shall not be held accountable for any breach of engagement if I should fail to come. I have already spoken two evenings in New-York on Temperance.
.......... Yours, very truly,
Rev. T. W. Higginson. .......... HORACE MANN.

The fourth letter was from James Russell Lowell. It read as follows:

Cambridge, (Mass.) Wednesday, Aug. 31, 1853.

My Dear Sir- It will be out of my power to attend the World's Convention. I can only declare that I sympathize heartily with any movement that shall promote Temperance, or shall elevate man or woman, socially or morally. The How must be left to the care of individual experience.

Yours, truly, .......... J. R. LOWELL.

The following extract from a letter received from James Haughton, of Dublin, was read to the Convention:

"In regard to the Temperance Convention, I find myself in entire agreement with you, and I wish I could send you over a body of Irish sympathizers. * * * * There is one well-known female advocate of Teetotalism is Ireland, Mrs. Carlisle, now an aged lady of over 70 years, I should say. She has labored long and well, and I never heard that she was considered out of her sphere when addressing public assemblies. I have heard her frequently; but she is known better in England than Ireland. Several years ago, in London. I heard two women, (soldiers wives, I think,) acceptably address a large public meeting on Temperance.

I am not able to send you any expression of feeling on this subject from Temperance Societies in this country, partly because the subject has not come before them, and partly because we have few organized associations. The wealthy classes in society take little part in the movement, so that our operations consist chiefly in addressing small bodies, who are associated in what we call "Benefit and Mortality Societies," composed of workingmen. Many of these Societies consist of Teetotalers.

Yours, truly, .......... JAMES HAUGHTON.

The President next introduced Mrs. Mary Jackson, of Wakefield, England, a speaker in the Temperance meetings in England for over twenty years, and delegated by five Temperance Societies to attend the Convention, among them the Preston Total Abstinence Society, the oldest in England.

Dear Friends: I feel very glad to find myself among you. I would observe, however, previous to making any observation upon the great question for which you are convened, that I feel at present rather in the position of a learner than a teacher. I have come over all the way across the Atlantic, almost simply to tell you that I am one of you. [Applause.] The principles of true sobriety embodied in that entire absence of every description of intoxicating drink, is one which I dearly love. In my estimation it stands second to none, save and except that one which is calculated in its application to renew the soul and fit the sinner for Heaven. [Applause.] I have been a teetotaler for some twenty years. Something has already been said in reference to female labor in the old country, and from what was said, it led me to think that it would convey an impression that it was straight-forward work, and that there was nothing that might be deemed opposition. This is not exactly so, dear friends. When I first entered the field, I had to encounter an amount of opposition from certain quarters. I remember well, that a peevish old Tory Editor used to avail himself of every opportunity of holding up your humble servant to ridicule, in his newspaper, and by way of ridicule he affixed a handle to my name, and called me the " Rev. Mrs. Jackson." [Laughter.] He seemed to have forgotten all about the end of the creation of woman, inasmuch as he attempted to draw a line and set out her work. And what do you think he told me was my work? Why, he very wittily told me stop at home and mend my husband's stockings. [Loud laughter.] I felt highly amused, and my reply was, "With all the pleasure imaginable, for I mend my husband's stockings, and knit him new ones." I thought this idea a very strange one, especially from the editor of a newspaper. He must have forgotten the end of woman's creation. God presented woman to man and said: "She shall be a helpmate to thee." I suppose you all know the definition of the term "helpmate." It means a "proper help"-a help in accordance with the dignity of a man as a human being-as a social, intellectual being. By-the bye, if that definition be true, then it strikes us that the more noble the cause woman proves herself capable of assisting man in carrying out, the
better she answers the end of her creation, and the greater glory she brings to that God who created her. [Loud applause.] The opposition that I had to encounter never gave me five minutes uneasiness: and why? I always used to think of the Saviour, when he said: If they refuse you admittance into one city, turn away and visit another. When I heard of this movement here, I wanted to come and see and hear for myself, and, in the order of Providence, here I am among you as I have already said, happy to find myself in this position. In reference to men and women co-operating in this matter to benefit society, an anecdote occurs to me, which I think applicable. It refers to an individual in Scotland, who was, as they term it, "daft," -that is, rather short in intellect, you know. [Laughter.] This person took a whim into his head to enter the pulpit of a minister previous to the time of his coming to preach. When the clergyman entered and saw his pulpit thus occupied, he stood amazed, and looked up, expecting that the crazy man would come down. Instead, however, of doing so, he addressed him in the following manner: "Come awa, Sir-come awa; it will take us both to manage them, for they are a stiff-necked generation." [Loud laughter and applause.] Now, thus I thought in reference to the Maine Law -for it will take all our combined efforts to succeed, for they are a "stiff-necked generation." I love the Temperance principle. When I think of its vast import-when it strikes my mind, I believe it had its origin in Heaven. I cannot believe that my and your Heavenly Father, who made this beautiful planet upon which you and I dwell, and who gave the best gift of Heaven, could afford to redeem the inhabitants of this planet, and look on with indifference throughout the length and breadth of the world, view the ravages that Intemperance has committed, and stand an idle spectator. [Applause.] My mind has been impressed that He, seeing this state of things, has taken the matter under his cognizance, and has devised means to set it in operation. The very simplicity of the means adds to its grandeur. When we look and see what our principles have accomplished, it cheers us in reference to the future; and I cannot entertain a shadow of a doubt as to our ultimate success. [Loud applause]

Friend Richard B. Grazier, from Michigan, then presented himself and said:

Brothers and Sisters: Temperance men and women: It is not my expectation to detain you but a very short time. The cause for which we have met is a great and good one, and I hope we shall all make our mark. I have labored in the heat of the day, and have borne some burden, but from age shall not bear it long. My heart's desire is, to promote the cause of Temperance in all things. [Applause.] Temperance and moderation should guide us in all we take in hand to do. I come from a Western State, and probably most of you know how things have turned there, and, so far as they have turned out in the State of Michigan, have given a handsome majority to the Temperance cause; and we expect when the day and the hour shall arrive for it to take effect that it will take effect. We hope this will be done without any trouble; nevertheless, we are expecting to put the law into practice. While I stand upon my feet, I will allude to the past. I was once a citizen of this great City; but for the last nineteenth years, however, I have been separated from you so that I am a stranger among strangers. But I have never regretted removing from this City, for I have labored not only in the cause of Temperance, but set a sober and honest example to my neighbors in these things. But, friends, there is one thing which Michigan has not done, which no other State can boast of; and that is, we have never strangled a man between the heavens and the earth. [Loud applause.] The Statute Book of the State of Michigan is unstained and without spot. [Applause.] I mention this, because it is more or less connected with intemperance. The speaker went on to narrate his experiences. He had been at one time of his life a dram-drinker; but he thanked God that he had seen the error of his ways; and he wished to impress upon the audience -more particularly the younger portion-that if they in the least regarded their temporal or spiritual welfare, they must totally abstain from all intoxicating drinks.

The Amphions having favored the audience with a song, the meeting on motion adjourned till 7 o'clock P. M.

EVENING SESSION.

At 7 o'clock the proceedings of the Evening Session commenced. The audience numbered over 3,000. The Amphions opened the exercises by one of their simple and pleasing Temperance Songs.

The Chair first introduced,

Rev. Thomas Goldsmith, of Canada West. He said:

The manner in which he had been introduced would preclude the necessity of apology. He was but a rustic from Canada, and he could not be expected to utter flowers of rhetoric. He should rather attend to the securing of the foundation, than to rise high, until the foundation had been well laid. He should not point to degraded humanity, blighted hopes, everywhere before our gaze, though this might have a tendency to awaken attention; and this for the reason that immediate suffering, in all cases, does not demonstrate an evil as a direct cause of that suffering. Medicine may be nauseous, but its effect may be desirable. When pain is actually inflicted upon a person in mental and physical health, it must arise from an almost irremediable evil. The injury resulting from the traffic in intoxicating beverages, may not be
considered conclusive as to the necessity of prohibiting the sale of those beverages. We must fall back upon a right. If the question be, Has a man a right to get drunk? we are compelled to answer that he has, as we consider, by the standard of custom. But if he ask if it is right, we must answer that it is not. There is no grand test to which we can submit questions of morality or immorality. The heathen mother considers it legally right to cast her infant into the river; the heathen to cast himself under the car of Juggernaut. We cannot say that it is illegal; but is it morally right? So with the Temperance movement. Is it morally right for the drunkard to debase himself and to injure his family? The speaker proceeded to discuss this point at length. He referred, for statistics, to Canada. While they had a Queen upon the throne of England, there was little fear of any neglect of the rights
of woman. This much was by way of parenthesis, he added. He returned to the discussion of law. He had a downright objection to the use of the term "use" itself. He adduced medical testimony to show that a man would die as soon, or sooner, on alcohol alone, as upon cold water only, deprived of food.

Horace Greeley here entered the hall. The people, his admirers, began to cheer.

The speaker, pausing, made a conge to his audience, remarking that the cheer was one that he did not often get! [Laughter.]

He added some remarks on the statistical results of rum investigations in Canada, showing that alcohol occasions an indefinite amount of pauperism, lunacy, and crime. He begged "the pardon of the congregation" for consuming so much of their time, and would take his seat.

The Chairman next introduced, as a good friend of the cause,

Mr. Phineas T. Barnum -He said:

I met a friend, who informed me that there were a great many "isms" up here, and there were two classes of people present who had no right to be here. He wished to test this. In the first place, this was a World's Convention, and if there were any here who were not in the world they ought to be kicked out. [Laughter.] And he wished every lady and gentleman who could lay their hand upon their heart and say they had never suffered from the effects of Intemperance, either in person or in the actions of others, their friends-if there were any such, he wanted them to rise up and he would have their portraits. He did not believe that there was any man, woman, or child in the
universe who could honestly say they had never suffered in any way from the effect of Intemperance. I don't want every body here to-night to think and speak as I do. I should not like to be responsible for all the beliefs in this room, and I don't think there are many here who would take all my beliefs. I don't believe they would like to be called a show-man and humbug, as I am. (Laughter and applause.) And I wouldn't like to have them do it, for I don't want such opposition to my trade. (Laughter.) Now, he would like to know who was going to object to anybody speaking there against this great evil, which does so much injury to all. It was no objection to say that one person spoke on one thing, and another on other things not connected with it; for no matter what else they might talk of elsewhere, there they could all unite on the one platform and speak against an evil which has this peculiarity above all other evils-namely, that it afflicts all the world, including even the women and children. And why, then, should not the women, against whom this evil operates perhaps most injuriously of all, meet to protest against it? But laying aside all social views of the question, and taking it in a merely pecuniary light, what are the expenses of rum? All statistics prove that in
value we pay $150,000,000 yearly, and swallow the worth of our Union once in thirty years! This sum put to interest for thirty years will amount to a sufficient fund to purchase every acre of land, and every cent's worth of personal property in the United States of America! This debt we all incur in the misery of our land, and we have equally a right to raise our voice against it. Nine-tenths of all the crime and pauperism that afflict this country are attributable to rum-drinking. What our fathers took arms to fight against, he said, was taxation without representation. Now he, on the same principle, begged to protest against the paying the taxes incurred by drunkards, because they have no representation in the drunkard's rank. (Cheers.) All alcoholic drinks are poisonous to the stomach, from common rum to the
more euphonious names of mint-juleps and gin-cocktails. (Applause.) Dr. Trall, in an essay published by him, tells us that there is not the slightest element of nutriment in alcohol. First, it operates as a nervine; next, as a stimulant; and thirdly, as a narcotic. The first property, that of a nervine, was but mild, it was only such as that common beverage in which ladies not a little indulge, tea. Now at first, tea tea acts as a nervine, and the effect is easily seen if you go to a tea-party, where, if a man gets a peep while the ladies are indulging in their mild potation, he will find them so talkative and garrulous that the will be inclined to form the opinion that the same ship that brought the Chinese tea, also brought the Chinese language with it. (Laughter.) Tea-parties are women sprees. (Laughter.) Now, so it is with the
alcoholic drinks. The first effect of them is to act as a nervine. Meet men when they have taken a little, and they will be the warmest friends with you, they will agree with you in whatever you say; but let them take two or three glasses more, and then their temper is changed. Then they will fight somebody or something; and hence the brawls, the riots, and the murders. The Chief of Police in this city, within the last year, has said that every ninety-nine cases out of a hundred of assault and battery which have taken place in this city, have been the immediate effect of rum. Out of the thirty six cases of murder committed in the United States, thirty-one of the murderers have said that rum brought them to the gallows. The first effect of the rum, then, is as a nervine, next, as a stimulant, and next, as a narcotic. The speaker here related an anecdote of a scene which he saw to occur on board of a steamboat on the Mississippi in illustration of the
different effects of alcohol as a stimulant and narcotic, and which created a good deal of laughter. Any drug that contains either of these evils is an enemy to the welfare of mankind. He should ask, then, why was it that they were going to continue this evil in the land? Where is the man that ever found himself benefitted in health or wealth by drinking rum? He would give a higher price for the man who could honestly say that be ever made a cent or ever felt himself better in health by being a drunkard, than for any curiosity he ever purchased. Everybody sees that drunkards are a gross curse and a heavy tax on the temperate, because they are not able to support themselves, and, of course, the temperate must support them. For a long time they have been making regulations upon regulations regarding rum, until they were tired, and began to despair of any good arising from this legislation. But now they have got the serpent by the neck, and they can crush him without danger of their heel; and why will they not do it? [Here the speaker repeated an anecdote of Ami Hubble,-or the joke of the man who forgot his name, and soliloquizing, said, "Am I Ami, or am I not ami? If I am not Ami, who the deuce am I ?] (Applause.) The liquor traffic is a tornado,
and the only remedy for it is its annihilation. The only way to do this is to destroy the trade. Look at the report in Maine. Neil Dow says, that within the three months after the passage of the Maine Liquor law, the almshouse and jail of his county were empty. I lately had a letter from Burlington, Vermont, which informed me that there was not a single prisoner in the city jail-the first time such a thing was known since its erection. People say the Maine Liquor law is arbitrary and curtails men's privileges. It is not so. Have we not laws more arbitrary already ? A man told me the other day he was going for no law which prevented him from eating and wearing what he pleased. I told him to go home then, and put on your wife's petticoats, and walk down Broadway, and see if there is not a law against your wearing what you please. Oh! I never thought of that. Talk of privileges, why you can't drive down Broadway without restrictions. You say you have a right to drive where you choose in the public street; but the law compels you to turn only to the right. Is not this arbitrary? A man arrives at the quarantine, and hears his wife is lying at the point of death;-although he is an American citizen, and has a right to go where he chooses, yet the law compels him to remain at the quarantine a certain time whether he will or not. We are not politicians, except for the advancement of the Maine Law. I would sooner vote for the devil than vote for a Whig, yet I would sooner vote for a sober Whig than a drunken Democrat. Go only for the Maine Law, you deserve it, and act properly, and you will obtain your deserts. (Applause.)

The Chairman then said:

Our friend Mr. Barnum has shown us the comic folly of the drunkard's career, and also the tragedy which always lies behind that comedy. But there is another side which is all tragedy; and I shall call on Lucy Stone to describe the lot of the wife and the children of the drunkard.

Miss Lucy Stone then presented herself, and, when the plaudits which greeted her had subsided, said:

It is so very difficult to make a sudden transition of feeling from the gay to the grave, or from the grave to the gay, that I feel after the treat we have had from our friend, (Barnum,) that you may not find so tasteful the sober topics which I intend to speak upon; but after all, as was said by the President, the subject presents so sad-sad a picture, that I cannot help expressing the thoughts I have formed in regard to it. I could not help
thinking when my friend Barnum was speaking of the drunkard, with his heavily-uttered work, and his miserable ruin of himself, that while we would laugh at the picture made before our eyes, yet should the man have been our brother, our father, or our son, we should feel the deepest pity and the deepest grief; and while he made a mockery of his own nature, we might feel for him a stronger love. God and the angels would drop tears over it, and we that are bound-bound to him-bone of his bone, and flesh of his flesh, would fain drop a tear too. We are met here as a Whole World's Temperance Convention, having a great mission to fulfill-to see if we can forward this cause, which surely needs so many helpers; for it is true that idiocy, lunacy, murder, and crime, of whatsoever character, is spread over this broad
Republic; and to blot out this curse becomes us more than all in this Convention. It becomes us to blend our words, our thoughts, and our feelings together, to join hands with each other in making ourselves sufficiently strong, if possible, to root out from our land all vestiges of the use of the intoxicating cup. Our country has been laboring under this evil for a long time. In this great work we have thus far found many helps. I remember back many years, and have known earnest men and women who have been from time to time engaged in the work. There were little talkings at first, little plans devised, but the devil would not come out by such kind of effort. In vain were their efforts made for the mark of the beast was seen, and men and women impelled by the danger, rose up together and in a general effort to rid the community of the curse of intoxicating drinks. They tried to legislate it out of use. The fifteen-gallon law, and the twenty-eight gallon law, and one and another similar efforts of legislative action failed; men, women, and children went to work to cope with the destroyer. They went still farther. The mother, seated by her fireside, took the little boy and taught him the Temperance song, which were sung in the Cold Water Armies, with their beautiful banners; and they went up and down the streets singing their beautiful Cold Water songs; and the young men and young women formed Total Abstinence Societies-the women pledging themselves not to marry the man who might be in the habit of using intoxicating drinks, and the men knowing that it was dangerous to wed the women who did. Old men and women were cheered by the encouragement which they received from the progress of the cause, and the middle-aged joined heartily in the glorious
rejoicing, till finally it was a stigma upon the character of an individual to indulge in intoxicating liquor, and those who did drink labelled the jug with some other name, and it became a common expression that those who drank did it behind the doors, and disguised their breaths by sugar-plums or peppermints that nobody should detect them. With success, the efforts of the people relaxed, and men resumed their cups; then came the new effort the Maine Liquor Law-and in it we have a sign of a healthy public sentiment, and there is a falling off in the use of intoxicating drinks. We are all glad of it.

I will now ask leave of this Convention, (whether it will please them or not (I do not know), but I only desire to propose some thoughts in which I can hope for the co-operation of the son and daughters of Temperance, old and young, that we may hedge in still more closely the bounds which lead to the drunkard's grave and to which so many of our noblest young men are madly rushing. We scarcely pass over a railroad, in a steamboat, or over the highway on a state coach but that we detect their ruinous habits by their breath. And the habit is not confined to man, for by a statement made by the President this morning, I learn that there are fifty thousand women in this fair country who drink. To remedy the evil of domestic suffering arising out of intemperance, I propose that we shall create a public sentiment which shall make it utterly impossible for any man or woman who is a drunkard, ever to sustain any marriage or parental relation. God has planted deeply in the human soul a love of those social ties that bind us to life. We are happier and better for the ties of parent and child, brother and sister, husband and wife, and God has written all this in the human soul. Now, I would say to the man who goes to the wine cup, or where temptation of any kind should come to induce him to taste it, and from tasting it to learn so as to love it, and, by loving it, to throw away manhood, and all that is noble in life, for the pleasure
of the wine cup,-I would say to this man take it, and you alone shall incur the odium that attaches to the drunkard, and never know the relation of husband or of father. Drink the intoxicating cup, and you poison your whole being, and enfeeble your mind, and as a drunken man or woman, you shall not be entitled to the marriage relation. And I would say to the man or woman who is a drunkard, and who has a husband or wife, you shall forfeit the marriage relation that others should not have their prospects in life blighted by the acts of the drunkard. Public sentiment should say that the wife, the husband, or the child, whose nearest interests were affected by the
intemperance of either, should be allowed to separate from the one who caused the misery. Is it possible that a woman who in her early years gave her heart with all its wealth and her young love to one whom she deemed a worthy object of it-is it possible, I say, that her love will cling to the ruined wreck with the elements of character which had excited her love all destroyed? Those traits of character which once commended her whole love are now all gone, and she herself is reduced to the level of the drunkard's wife. It is wicked that she should be compelled to live with the father of a drunkard's children, and remain that loneliest of all beings, a drunkard's wife. Why should a man or woman be false to him or herself? A law or usage which shall make the ruin of either on this account is false to humanity. If a drunkard seats himself by the fireside of an injured wife, and she is forced thereby to hear her children call him father, I say it is due to her that she shall not be compelled to bear the curse. There is not a father or mother here present who would not rather their child should die than be united to a drunkard, their hearts and arms would be open to receive her, and when the drunkard or the man who is tempted to be a drunkard, knows that the wife of his love can be no longer his, if he does not reform, and when he knows that if he indulges he must forever forego the enjoyment of social life, he will lay down the tempting cup, and pause before he commits the crime. He will think before he passes that threshold. Look at the spectacle of the young man, too, who gathers to his heart of hearts the woman of his choice, with all the wealth of her love, but at the fashionable party where the wine cup is passed about she learns the vice. The breath which once came softly on his cheeks is polluted with drunkenness, and she becomes bloated and hideous in her person. I know that I do not appeal in vain to the heart of manhood, when I urge them by some such plan as this, to erect around Woman a barrier, that shall be long, and strong and high. No, my friends nothing in the way of temporizing will ever overthrow the monster of intemperance. I urge the adoption of some such plan as I have proposed, not only for the sake of the drunkard but also for the drunkard's wife and the drunkard's child. I tell you that the child which is born of drunken parents is born a drunkard. The cureless appetite is in him, and the lovely boy which should have come superb from the hands of God, comes with a curse in his bones and a thirst for rum, and be goes down to a drunkard's grave, because of the hateful stain that was implanted in him by the fact of his having had a drunken father or mother. The man or woman who would take your child from this platform, and make him or her a drunkard for life, would receive your's and the world's curse. The man who would take him, and like some monster, by the aid of sorcery or some such thing, vaccinate him with the thirst for drink, so that he would rush from this platform, crying, "Give me rum-give me rum," would commit a crime which blackens even beside that of murder. You tell me of Norwalk catastrophes and railroad disasters, but the ravages occasioned by drink exceed them tenfold in horror. Let there be made, then, a public sentiment that it is a crime for any person addicted to the use of intoxicating drinks, to assume the relations of parents, or husbands and wives, by a law that knows no exception. If the father be a drunkard or if the mother be a drunkard, the child must have the nature of a drunkard. Every child that is born has a right to a healthy constitution and vigorous frame. It has a right to come here, and its soul should be preserved, ready to go back again to God without "spot, wrinkle or any such thing."

If such a sentiment as this can be created in the minds of the people, the prospect of having bonds separated, as the result of intemperance, would be a check against the acquirement of such habits. If a person determines to become a drinker, let it be understood that the indulgence in the wine cup is the justification for annulling the ties between husband and wife; this would tend to make both men and women beware in choosing their moral path. I urge this not only for the sake of the drunkard, but for the sake of the drunkard's children, for I tell you that drunken parents become the parents of drunkards. The child of the drunkard goes along in the world, marking
the way in his hateful train, and when he arrives at a sufficient age, the same appetites that were common with the parent become the appetites of the child.

I know I touch upon delicate ground, but my only excuse must be the imperative necessity. I know that, on this question, texts and statutes will be quoted against us, and that usage too will be brought to bear against us, but truth is stronger than either of them. It only needs to be spoken and uttered, and it will ever shine brighter in the world. If my position is true, I do not care who is against it or who is for it; God's own life is in it-that life which never sleeps, but will in one day come like leaven in the lump, will come without parchment, and will not come in characters that can be blotted out. [Loud applause.] I ask you fathers and you mothers, do you wish that your daughter should be bound for life to the bloated carcase of a drunkard, and her children to be the children of a drunkard? But I know when I say that to you, whatever may be text, or law, or custom, I know that stronger than all in your own soul's center is a deep and earnest wish that no such load may ever be laid upon your children.

The speaker concluded her remarks by illustrating the fact of the little redress afforded by the Courts of this country for abuses received at the hands of a degraded and drunken husband by cases which came under her immediate observation, and at the close of her remarks she was warmly applauded.

Mr. Greeley having been loudly called for, now came forward. He made a few remarks pertinent to the address by Miss Stone.

He begged to differ in some measure from that eloquent woman on the subject of divorce. The side advocated by her was broad and apparent; but he conceived there is another side to the question that has its foundations no less deep, although, perhaps, not so obvious, and would, if as explicitly stated, appeal with equal force to the reason of the audience. [Cheers.] Mr. Greeley then passed to the more immediate objects of the Convention. He wanted to see men carrying their temperance to the ballot-box. He then briefly explained the objects of the Convention. There are several very eloquent men here from whom I hope we shall hear some time to-morrow [to day.] Mr. Carson, the originator of the Carson League, by whose influence Intemperance was totally exterminated in several Districts is here, and I hope he will give us some information of the origin and practical working of his system. [Cheers.] There are numerous others here from whom some good ideas may be expected. He concluded by hoping that something of practical utility would result from the efforts of the Convention.

The Amphions then gave a "Temperance War Song," which was very generally applauded.

It was then resolved unanimously that this Convention hold three sessions to-morrow-at 10 A.M., 4 P.M., and 7 P.M.

The Convention, on motion, then adjourned.

FRIDAY MORNING'S SESSION.

At half-past ten, Metropolitan Hall was attended by about 2,000 persons, and the numbers continued to increase during the sitting. The Rev. T. W. Higginson again occupied the Chair, and after calling the meeting to order, proceeded to read over the resolutions introduced by Horace Greeley yesterday morning, after which the Amphions opened the proceedings by signing the Temperance Hymn commencing with

"Intemperance, like a raging flood."

The President said the resolutions which had been read were then open for discussion by the members of the Convention. It would be understood, of course, that all who might have information to convey to the Convention, from whatever County or State they might come, would not keep back on account of not being called upon by the Chair, as there were many unknown to the Committees. They were ready to listen to the remarks of any member on the resolutions. [Cheers.]

Mr. Bernard, of Pennsylvania, then addressed the meeting.

He said that he understood it to be the duty of the religious organizations of the land to co-operate with the temperance men and women in the advancement of this cause. I consider this to be self-evident truth, which may be admitted without demonstration, inasmuch as the action of the religious bodies of a different character is desirable. I have desired that all who are members of those religious organizations should compare their acts with those of the Great Founder, and act in accordance with His teachings and example. You are all aware that his life, from the cradle to the grave, was devoted to doing good; and the churches that bear upon their forehead the name of Christian, if they are walking in his footsteps, are indeed worthy of the title, but if they act otherwise, they cannot justly lay claim to it. I feel that they are false to their name. I stand here as one of a delegation from a religious organization which has given its support to this cause, and I call upon all religious denominations to follow their example, and the example of Christ himself. By doing so they would feel as he felt-that it is their meat and drink to do good, to build up the right and throw down the wrong, and if they have not His conduct in view, and act not in accordance with the principles they profess, they are not only recreant to their profession, but they are worse-they are hypocrites. Mr. Bernard dwelt at considerable length on the necessity of the different religious denominations taking part in the efforts of the temperance people to procure the passage of the Maine law.

Rev. Wm. H. Channing was announced as the next speaker. Mr. Channing took the platform, and addressed the Convention as follows:

The song which our friends favored us with this morning had reference to a flood of Intemperance. Is not the assembling of this Convention a sign that the flood is retiring from the face of the earth, and that not only has the dove gone forth on its mission from the ark formed by the Lord, but has returned with the olive bough? According to my view, that dove is Woman, and the word of Woman is a word of peace and power. [Applause.]

The characteristics of this Convention, which I would briefly sum up in these words, (and let it not be considered that I am irreverent of great ancestors,) is the disappearance of Mrs. Adam and the reappearance of Miss Eve-or, in other words, the disappearance of Woman in a position of subjection to Man, and her reappearance as she was sent fresh from the hand of God. However Woman may have been looked upon as typical of the fall, she is now regarded as typical of the resurrection. She was once looked upon as an angel of death, dragging man to the dust, she can now be looked upon as an angel of Heaven, leading him onward.

This is the whole subject of which I propose to speak this morning: The full and free co-operation of Women, as the special characteristic of the Convention-it being the whole world's, and not half a world's convention. A friend alluded yesterday in his speech to the position of man alone as being similar to that of an individual rowing with a single oar. If it is allowable for a man in a masculine boastfulness to speak of himself as the "right hand," then I say it has always been the misfortune of the world that the "left hand-the left side" has been always paralyzed, and woman has been a cripple and unable to co-operate in progress to but a limited extent. If Michael Angelo would make a figure, his left hand would hold the chisel and shape the marble, while the right hand would supply the power. The painter with his left hand holds the pallet, and with the right uses the brush. Ole Bull, though, with his right hand he secures a sound on the violin, yet with his left he secures the delicacy and brilliancy of tone, and the touch of the left hand is as necessary as the motion of the right; if we are to have music in society, Woman, as the left hand, must manage the keys. [Applause]

As it is urged that this meeting should sustain the character of practicability, I have some practical projects to offer for its consideration.
First, to enable us to carry out effectively prohibitory law, we must have the full co-operation of women-we should gain the influence of her example and power, and if it is true that man is her agent, then she should see that her agents do their duty. As mother, sister, wife, and friends, she possesses power for good, and if she send man out and he comes home without having accomplished that which he was deputed to do, he reads in her face the consciousness of his shame.

As regarded the execution of that law, it was sometimes asked, whether the prohibitory law, having been successful, it could not be made more thoroughly effective. Now he thought this depended more on the co operation of woman than on any other cause. They had an example of this the other day, not certainly in the specific form which he could at all times sympathize with. They undoubtedly had been tried as a mob; but still he should very much like to see women tried for such a mob proceeding in New York, on the same principles-that was, that the law having passed the Legislature, and man being backward in enforcing it, women should come forward to compel him; he would like to see them come forward even as
axe-men, to break in the head of the barrel or pull out the spiggot and let the liquor run. [Cheers.] The cause of intemperance-that is the indulgence in low excitement-was the want of high excitement. The reason persons indulged in low stimulants was because there were no healthful stimulants supplied to the heart and conscience. Who were the rowdies? They were young men, and their companions were young women, who, if they had been supplied with high excitement, would never have indulged in low passions. They might observe the truth of this by going to the National Theatre, and there they would see by the expression of sympathy, during the performance of "Uncle Tom's Cabin," and tears and sights, how the heart of man could be made to rise responsive to the kindly touch, and how woman had the power to raise it. [Cheers.] The fact was they wanted amusements to minister to the mind healthful stimulants. If they did not make this a point it was all in vain for them to have prohibitory legislation. They must have it in the exalted drama, and lectures, and social gatherings, where the healthful influences may be brought together. They needed too, pleasure grounds and large halls in their great cities, and, indeed altogether a new spirit to leaven society. In conclusion, it appeared to him that the meeting should not close without some proof of a continuation of the movement thus commenced. Let the present Convention institute a series of others without any distinction of sect, or sex, or color, race or country. Woman would thus co-operate in the work, not only of restraining intemperance, but also of bringing back the public to that hearty tone of high health which should take the place of the feverish delirium caused by drunkenness.

The speaker concluded by proposing a resolution, to the effect that the only effective means of preventing the indulgence in low excitement was the supply of high employment; and that the best antidote for the artificial stimulant of alcohol, was the mutual stimulant of social enjoyments,-the supplies of libraries, museums, pleasure-grounds, &c., &c.,

Joseph Dougdale then briefly informed the meeting, as a proof that at least one body in the land had taken up the question, that a Pennsylvania yearly meeting of progressive Friends had given their expression of adherence to the enactment of laws for the suppression of intoxicating liquors.

Mr. Clark, of Rochester, having just entered the Hall, he was again called upon for a song. He then sang

"The World is on the move,"

with excellent effect, and was loudly applauded. After which he offered the following sentiment, with he drank in iced water:

"The Health and Memory of the man that chopped down the trees, that cleared the land, that ploughed the ground, that raised the corn, that fed the goose, that bore the quill, that made the pen, that wrote the pledge of total abstinence from all intoxicating drinks." [Loud cheers.]

Mr. Arnold Buffum, of Rhode Island, then proposed the following resolution:

"That all preachers of the Gospel, who have in their congregation persons who let houses or stores to be used for the sale of intoxicating drinks, are earnestly invited by this whole World's Convention to preach a sermon on the text, every good tree bringeth forth good fruit, but the corrupt tree bringeth forth evil fruit; wherefore by their fruit ye shall know them." He thought clergymen and preachers of the Gospel, throughout the whole land, should preach one sermon from this text, for in this useful parable of the blessed Jesus there is a great deal of instruction directly applicable. The term tree, here spoken of, would apply to the distiller, that brought forth evil fruit, and to all those who dealt in it, as well as used it, for their fruits were indeed evil, and that continually. It would apply to the bar-owner of the
splendid hotel, and to the keeper of the low groggery. It would apply also to the general custom of using intoxicating drinks, and to the men who stood so high, and so respectably in the public estimation, as the owners of real property and houses and stores, that they would be ashamed to be seen indulging in intoxicating drinks themselves, and yet let out their shops and their houses for the sale of intoxicating drinks. These, too, were the trees that were seen by their fruits.

Rev. Mr. Armstrong, of Saratoga, having here risen to a point of order, in which, however, the meeting did not agree with him.

Rev. Mr. Whitney, of Massachusetts, addressed the Convention. He made a long speech, which was attentively listened to.

He referred to the manner in which men became drunkards. It was a very simple process, and if we avoided the beginning, we should always avoid the ending. There were three things, either natural in the first place, or produced by art, that were disagreeable in the beginning-Alcohol, Tobacco, and Opium. When they were taste at first, they were invariably disagreeable. There might be one exception in a thousand; but, generally speaking, in ninety-nine cases out of a hundred, or even more, their taste at first nauseated. Next day, however, it might be, they touched them with a feeling that was less disagreeable; and by and by, the repeating them day after day made the taste become reconciled to them, and their consumption an agreeable thing. The great plan, therefore, was the keeping from them altogether in the first place. It used one to be said by the advocates of Temperance, for that reason: "Only give us the young, and we will prevail." But, alas! this might no longer be said, for now the children learned to consume tobacco and alcohol. He should speak of the early effects of Rum. Friends! avoid the tasting. While your taste is simple and natural and healthy, don't destroy it. They say all the children are with us; but they must be very small children, for I see, Sir, that the children, too, in this your city, are given to tobacco, and perhaps to rum, too. Is it not better to prevent the thing, than to cure it? It was said years ago, Give us these children and we will prevent them learning this vice; but we have not taught them. He would say to parents, and all having the care of the young: See that you do not deceive them. There is no danger of their plunging into drunkenness if they never learn to taste. A clergyman once sent a boy to purchase some cigars, and the boy tried them, got sick, and was satisfied with one trial. The danger with the rum, though, is, that if they taste it once, they want to try it again. The office of Woman is to help us "learn" [probably meaning teach] the young. He had learned that there was a gentleman here who had taken a prominent share in the work of sustaining the Maine Law in this State. He, the Speaker, wanted to say a few words about the workings of the law in his own State, Massachusetts. He proceeded to consider this point at length, but was interrupted by

A Voice -Will the gentleman allow me to ask a question? Whether the violations of the law in Massachusetts are the rule, or the exception?

The speaker gave it as his impression that the majority of those who are prosecuted escape. He considered the present law the best one we ever had. He hoped it would be carried forward to speedy success. He called special attention to the necessity of a concert of action among the friends of Temperance. He next considered the experiment of prohibitory laws. In all large cities, they will do very much as the public sentiment goes. If the law is a popular one, it will be executed: if not popular, it will not be executed. [Applause.] This was all the explanation he could give. We should, Mr. President, band the whole human family against this universal evil. It takes the most developed, and the least developed. It takes them all, it ruins them all, it spoils them all. [Applause.] Never forget, that the vilest man and woman you can find, even in this great City, are members of the great family of God; and that, vile they seem, they are capable of being fed and clothed; and being in their right mind, to be restored to the blessings of home and family.

Two or three voices began to ask questions; some on the floor; others from the gallery.

Mr. Oliver Johnson objected to this Socratic method of discussion; every speaker was interrupted, and he deemed it proper that friends should not be required to stand and answer queries. They should be first allowed to finish their remarks. [Cheers and hisses.]

The Chair sustained the right of the questioners, and of the speaker to answer. If the speaker demanded the protection of the Chair, it should be accorded to him. [Sensation.]

Mr. Whitney said it did not disturb him in the least to answer questions. He would say to the gentleman in the gallery, that he did not vote, but he did all he could otherwise for Temperance. He then sat down.

The President, having requested Mr. Greeley temporarily to occupy the Chair, said he wished to answer the question as to the position of Massachusetts. All he had to say was:

That if you want to test the public sentiment there, just ask the people of the State to repeat that Law! [Laughter and applause.] The law had been modified in some respects from the Maine enactment. The cities and large towns demanded a somewhat different system. It was now in argument before the Supreme Court whether the Police Court have jurisdiction in cases of liquor prosecution. When this principle is settled, which it will soon be in favor of Temperance, then look out for action. The matter is now under advertisement in the cases of men in Salem and Lowell. At this moment, therefore, you must not look to the cities of Massachusetts for indications of the public sentiment regarding the law. You must look back six months, when the Act was really enforced as it should be. And you must look forward six months, to the time when it will be again enforced thoroughly. A gentleman had inquired whether the execution of the law was the rule or the exception in the speaker's State. He would reply that there were many towns and villages already in Massachusetts where no liquor is openly sold. The friends of the Law must work. The Law is not like the boy's whistle, that whistles itself; it must be executed carefully and conscientiously.

He added:

I won't speak of Boston; I don't live there. Boston is a commercial city; millions there are involved in the liquor traffic. Do you tell me you can execute the Maine law in large cities like this? I hope you may; but you will have a hard time of it.

Mrs. C. I. H. Nicholas, Editor of the Windham Co. (Vt.,) Democrat, was then introduced to the audience amid loud applause.

I am not (said she) unconscious, friends, that I stand as yet upon a contested platform-that my woman's foot presses ground denied to her to maintain-so you will allow me to make some reference to this point. There are subjects which it is not relevant to allude to upon this platform; but, friends, in presenting to you the necessity for the Maine Law, I must show you the deep and great need of women for its enactment. I cannot present to you woman's claim to the Maine Law, to restore the sweet harmonies of domestic life, without presenting to you the discord intemperance has made
upon the heart-strings of women and children. You will therefore allow me in my remarks to state my positions and to maintain them as in my judgement is best. I has been a common remark, and one which is entertained both by church members and members of the State, that woman is the greatest sufferer from intemperance-woman, who is not herself convicted of the crime of intemperance-who is not herself given to intemperance-as a class, woman is the greatest sufferer. Yet few have found who have asked why, why does woman, who is not herself the victim of vice, suffer more than man, who is? Here, my friends, is the point to which I wish to call your attention. Woman is the greatest sufferer, because she belongs and is bound hand and foot, and given to the protection of her husband. I say that woman is the greatest sufferer, because the laws of the land have bound her hand and foot, and committed her soul and body to the protection of her husband; and when he fails to protect her through imbecility, misjudgment, misfortune, or intemperance, she suffers. It is because the mother of humanity cannot hold in her own hand the bread she earns to feed her babes and children-it is because of the crimes of her inebriate husband, if he be one, that she suffers. It is because that the babes that she rears are given to the custody of the drunken husband. And, friends, if intemperance did not invade our homes-if it did not take from us now clothing, our bread, and the means for our self-development, and for the training of our children to respectability and usefulness-if it did not take the babes from our bosoms,-I would not stand here. [Applause.] And friends, although it be woman's right, I must present to you as my justification for addressing you upon this occasion. I feel, friends, that man cannot row the boat of humanity alone, for when he does so, it goes round and round in a circle, until at length his arm tires, and he, with all his craft on board is engulphed. It seems to me that the great cause of humanity is very much in the position of a little child, of whom I will state a little anecdote in illustration. A friend of mine, a few weeks ago, taking a journey in a state coach met in it a man with a little infant in his arms-an infant of months-in the arms of the father. My friend was exceedingly interested in that child, and was filled with wonder and many apprehensions for the reason that this father should be carrying that infant a long journey in his arms, and no mother with it. She fancied that the mother was dead. How could she think anything else? She inquired of him "Where is the baby's mother?" Said he, "She would not come along with us;" when husband and wife disagree they must separate. She said, "And you
take the little babe?" "Yes" said he. He had the right and the power. Said my friend, "When the child is hungry, can you feed it?" Oh yes," answered he, "I can feed it, for I have a pocket full of cakes."

After a man has gone through the world into every department of life-into the Legislature-and has been engaged in all the social improvements carried out for humanity-a pocket full of cakes-and humanity is dyspeptic, and all the intelligence and the morality of the country has been fed upon cakes from a man's pocket. [Laughter and applause.] It is dyspeptic; and what we now ask is that it may be restored to the mother-fountain of humanity, and drink the milk of human kindness that God has stored in the breast of woman. [Applause.] In my remarks this morning, I wish to bear particularly upon the responsibility of Christians in this movement, and upon the responsibility of Church members and the Church of Christ. As a member of a Christian Church, I appeal to my brethren and sisters with a heart full of love and yearning that they may meet me upon this ground, that I may find a response in their souls which will give me courage to move onward in the course of self-denial and duty in this cause. I know the churches of different
denominations act with different power upon the great reforms of the day. The churches of which I am a member act in their separate capacities. The churches are independent bodies, and act separately,-one church cannot control the action of another church. I speak of the Baptist denomination, and it is so with many other bodies of Christians. I have noticed with a great deal of pleasure that as this movement has progressed, the churches have come up and passed resolutions endorsing the Maine Law, and pledging themselves to give their influence and their power to the work. But it strikes me that it is not the whole duty of the Christian Church to pray and talk upon it. I have conversed with some of our clergy, who are among the foremost friends of the Maine Law-who have given us sermon upon sermon, line upon line, and precept upon precept, which they nobly dared to do; yet I have not found the first one of them-and I say it with a sad heart-who will recommend political action, and who will recommend that the Church should take cognizance of the political action of its members upon this question. You may think me ultra; but first carry it to the throne of God-stand before the bar of the Almighty-and then can you convict me, my friends, when I say that the Church should take cognizance of the political action of its members? No one, for a moment, can then, I think, suppose that God himself does not take cognizance of political acts as Christian duty. They say they do not see
how we could recognize the political action of our members. We do not see how we could discipline them as to the manner in which they should vote upon the question. Now, friends, what is the organization of Christianity worth, if you cannot reach a member of that body in all his actions-if you cannot reach him, and bring the force of the Church, as an organization, to bear upon every individual member, in his action in any department in life? What is that organization worth? I think that much of the embarrassment upon this point arises from the association of the past. In the past, a man might drink rum and sell rum and be a good Christian, but you must recollect these were days of darkness. Perhaps when God winked at sin and ignorance, then his Church might; but now there is no sin or ignorance to be winked at, and
you will understand that now we are responsible to God for all our ability and all our influence; and by-the-bye, if we are responsible to use all our influence for God, we are under obligation to acquire all the influence we can for the same high and holy purpose-the Church as a body, as well as the individual members. In the past we have given all that we had to the good work. We have pledged ourselves to the Almighty that we will be one with humanity, and give our life and all our efforts for its salvation from wrong done and wrong doing. We have made the application just so far as we could see the wrong done, and we have come up to the work, and given ourselves to it unreservedly; but in the course of time-for we know that he that runs shall read-light shall break in upon our path, and we shall see more room for truth,
and unless the Church comes up as a body, and every individual member of it, and gives the whole to God, they are failing in Christ and not doing their duty. If the Church has more knowledge and more light upon the evils of intemperance to-day-if the Church knows as well as the individual member knows, that the vote of every man fixes upon us the sin of intemperance, or goes to carry it from the land, then his church is responsible to come up to that point of discipline, and enforce it against every man who votes against the Maine Law. I may be in advance upon you on this point, but I doubt whether there is one in this assembly who will not endorse this principle. If this be so then you are bound by every consideration, as Christians and as human beings to carry out those principles-for when will principles become of use to the world until they are made practical? The Church has more to do in this matter than this, or rather they are more deeply interested than to the extent I have stated. Nearly two-thirds of our Church are made up of women, and woman is the greatest sufferer from intemperance. I have for more than thirty years been a member of a Christian Church; I joined it in my childhood, and side and side I have sat with aged women who had been obliged to procure divorces from drunken husbands. The fair orator concluded her remarks by calling upon her hearers to sustain the principles of the Maine Law.

The President said there was another lady whose labors in the New York Women's organization for the promotion of Temperance had perhaps been no less arduous or less efficient than those of the last speaker were in Vermont. He referred to Mrs. Vaughn, the President of the Woman's State Temperance Society of New York.

Mrs. Vaughn said:-

I shall be obliged to make the request, on account of my weak voice, that the audience will be as quiet and still as possible. My province has been to work more by the pen than by the tongue, and with it I have been able sometimes to make myself heard. As the President of the Woman's State Temperance Society I ought to say something of what we have done. We have been laboring for the Maine law in this state; we have held conventions, we have presented petitions, and we applied to politicians, and we have thought that we were right is so doing, and right in out opinions. The right to vote is withheld from us women, and therefore we must appeal to the voters to do what they in their conscience think is right. We would like to have the temperance sentiment which has sprung from the women of New York spread over the whole broad world. We want to have it understood that our work is the advancement of temperance-that it is our right, and if we cannot on our own behalf urge self sufferings, then we urge the sufferings of our sisters, and ask that they may be protected in all the affections which cluster around the fireside. It is not for the women of New York alone we work but the women of the world. (Applause.) And I would also plead for the men of the world, that they may be free from this curse. (Applause) This temperance reform lays at the basis of other reforms. Our society is laboring for this reform, and all over the world woman is laboring for this. And I rejoiced yesterday to hear the pioneer from the Old World, who has fought and acted with us. I desire to see the temperance women banded together some way, that they may throw their influence in the political scale for the Maine law. Let them go from house to house, if necessary, and ask each voter if he can refuse woman his protection; and when the time comes for the election I want the women to go to the polls and electioneer. I was going to say they ought to vote too, but they cannot do it legally. In this way woman can control the election; for I don't believe there is a man in this State that woman cannot reach in some way or other. We want the women to aid the men in freeing the world from this great evil. (Applause.)

A German gentleman then got on the platform, and requested to be heard for a moment. Permission being accorded, he said. "I believe that this is a World's Temperance Convention. It appears that the American side of the question has been pretty well shown. I would like to speak on the European side." He was informed that he could do so then, or in the afternoon. He preferred the afternoon.

Mr. Wollaston, of Vermont, followed:-

He had formerly been a general. He was now a general too, but there was this difference. He was then a general in the army of king Alcohol; but now, he thanked God, he was a general representative to this Convention from the beautiful little state of Vermont. Before the passage of the law in Vermont, they had another law there, which, however, was of no use. It was left to the Justices of the Peace to give license to sell liquor to such as they might deem best entrusted with it; but that was of no earthly use; so it was abandoned, and the people were now satisfied with the Maine law, which was substituted for it. He did not mean to say, that because the Maine law was
passed by the legislature of Vermont there was no liquor sold there. There was a good deal used, but the Sons of Industry were working with industry and success to put a stop to it.

If a man went out to the State of New York to get liquor, these Sons of Temperance, of whom there is a Division in the place, from which he came, lie in wait for him, and search his wagon, and require to be informed of what is kept there. If he is found to have liquor with him, he is taken before the Justice; and when he is convicted of having violated the law, he is fined, or put in prison, in default of the fine being paid, and his liquor is thrown into the ditch. In the little town of Rutland, to which he belongs, they have spilled already some 600 to 800 gallons of rot-gut. [Cheers.] On the fourth of July it was said that a large quantity of liquor had been sent for to New York, in order to be sold on that day. The Sons of Temperance had got the wind of it, the liquor was spilled, and the conductor of the train that brought it, was sent off to jail by the Justice.

The speaker concluded by referring to the happy effects of the Temperance law throughout the State of Vermont, and, in his own town, Rutland, in particular.

The Convention then adjourned to 3 o'clock P.M.

AFTERNOON SESSION.

At three o'clock the Convention reassembled to the number of about two thousand people.

The first speaker was Mr. Victor Hanoi, of Belgium, who said:

That as they had the American aspect of the Temperance question this morning, it was but right that they should now be introduced to the European. He was a German, he said, and begged the indulgence of the audience for the imperfect language in which he was compelled to address them. This, however, he was determined should not be an obstacle in his way, for he was resolved that his ideas should be fully understood. There were, he continued, two principles in the world-the principles of good and evil, as represented by God and the evil. Now, all efforts to restrain the liberty of man he considered as evil in its character and would be productive of the most disastrous results. No such efforts succeeded, or ever would. We have as many thieves now in the world as we ever had; and just so is it with the Maine Law-there will be just as many drunkard's after it is passed as before it. In the old country the question of temperance has not arrived at the same position which it occupies here. There, the people are struggling for political liberty, and they cannot give so much of their attention to it. The people are divided there into republicans and despots, while here they are divided into the two classes of drunkards and those who do not drink. There is political liberty here, but there is no social liberty. There are many who cannot get work here, and who are forced to steal for a living. Now, I say, give the individual more social liberty, remove the obstacles which beset his path, give him land, and provide him with the means of living.

Rev. Mr. Fraugh, of New York, proceeded to speak in favor of the Maine Law. He called upon the temperance people to unite in one solid mass and get it unison and he had no doubt of their ultimate success. He wanted the World's Convention and similar societies to walk up to the work manfully and bravely. The State of New York, he predicted, would give seventy thousand majority in favor of the law, when it would come before the people.

Mr. Sabin, of Pennsylvania, adduced some valuable statistical matter bearing upon the Reform. One item, well worthy of being mentioned, referred to the fact, that only 10 per cent. of the wholesale price of liquors was accorded to the workmen for their labor in manufacture, while in other branches from 35 to 90 per cent. constituted the laborer's proportion. He also stated the fact, that $74,000,000 were spent for liquors in America, each year. The speaker introduced the following resolutions:

RESOLVED, That the enactment of a law in its general provisions to the Maine Law would be eminently conducive to the natural prosperity of any and every State adopting it; because the amount per cent. paid to the laborer for the production of alcoholic beverages does not average more than ten per cent. whereas in the manufacture of useful articles, such as clothing, furniture &c. an average of not less than fifty per cent. is paid got their manufacture. Therefore, if all money that is now spent in the production of liquors were devoted to useful purposes there would at once be a demand for labor which would more than counterbalance any momentary loss occasioned to a certain
class by the enactment.

The President next introduced Dr. De Wolfe , of Maine.

I am, said he, a citizen of Maine, and I flatter myself that I feel as proud as Paul did when he said "I am a Roman citizen." [Loud applause.] It will be anticipated, I suppose, coming from headquarters, that I may say something about the Maine Law. I am sorry that I am so poor a representative from that noble State of which I am proud, but I will refer somewhat to the law and its workings-what it has been and what now exists in relation to it. I will say, further, that I now speak mostly, or shall attempt to, for your gratification. I am not, my friends, so great a stickler for laws as some. I have but a very small veneration for law, but I will give you to understand my views on this matter. I think I know somewhat of the condition of the people, and I am willing to give them what they will have. It is policy of course. If they will not
partake of the kind of food I want to give them, let them have that which they think they need, and all I ask of them is allow me to eat my food and to drink my water, to think for myself and to speak for myself; but, at the same time, I am willing to bear the burthens [burdens] of others. I came up to New York not as a representative in this Convention, but as a delegate to the partworld Convention; but my sympathies are with the whole world, and I know no line of demarcation that separates me from all mankind. [Loud applause.] Hence I address myself to you as brothers and sisters, and when I say that, of course I shall feel that you are ladies and gentlemen too. I merely throw out this suggestion, to let you know, for fear that you may misconstrue, my position.

I have worked long and hard for the Maine Law; I have worked hard for its execution, and bear honorable stripes for its existence and for its execution. I have been a mark to fire at; I have been somewhat martyred in this matter I do not boast, for I have only done duty, and perhaps hardly that. I have had my life threatened, a coat of far and feathers has been frequently promised me, but the nearest they came to that has been to tar and feather my sign; and had the hardihood, as some people though, to leave it up there as the representative of the characters who put the tar and feathers there, until time effaced it. [Applause.] I have had my windows broken, my store-door
covered with filth, and my name sent out as evil, and every other attempt has been made to destroy me, because I loved temperance. But all these things made me rejoice, because I feel that I have, to a certain extent, been counted worthy of their indignation from rum people. You know that we have fought long and hard to get the prohibitory law in Maine. We have had every obstacle that human ingenuity could throw in our way, to impede our progress, in order to defeat the Maine Law; but, nevertheless, is despite of their continued perseverance we have succeeded. I will refer, for the encouragement of this State, and somewhat to their advantage, as they are striving for the Maine Law, to some of the objections and the means that were used to prevent our achieving this glorious end. When this matter was broached in its incipient stages and before we had the law as it now, is there was a great deal of talk about its effect, and a great deal of threatening of what would be done to those who supported the measure. Our opponents threatened that if this law were brought about,-if they were robbed of their rights, as they called them, they would no longer remain citizens of the State of Maine, but that they would leave it until the law was repealed. An individual replied very happily to them: "If," said he, "your determination is never to return until that law is repealed, in all probability you will never come back again; and while you are about it, you may congratulate yourselves, and repeat the ballad of Uncle Jonas Cox, of Botany Bay, who undertook to make the best of all things:

True patriots, why fear? be it understood,
We leave our country, for our country's good.

[Applause.]

It was rather a matter of rejoicing than otherwise, that such individuals would leave our State, but we did feel some regret when we thought that they would go somewhere else, and other people would be cursed with them. There are some difficulties in the way of the execution of all laws. A few radical reformers will present an idea and dwell upon it until a portion of the people will take hold of it, and a sufficient portion will rally around until they will elect a Legislature that will give them a law. But when you get a law, it is the expression of a Legislature, which is not always a popular expression of the people, and there is no too much truth in the idea that a law cannot be
effectually enforced until the people are prepared for it,and until they brought up to that position when they love truth more than error. Let us lay aside private interests and social relations, and be willing to be delegates to be shot at-willing to stand in the van of the fight, to bear the blows and receive the insults of the enemy; and, when that is done, the law can be executed; but it takes a a long while to bring people up to that point. The best manner to meet our opponents is upon political ground. There has been a reaction in the State. While temperance men have slept, the enemy have sown tares. Our opponents have been lavish with their treasure and with their talents, and there is some reason to fear that in the next election they will triumph.

The speaker made allusion to Mr. Pillsbury, the Governor of Maine, and complained that he secured his election entirely from his having kept the voters well supplied with liquor during the canvass.

It was resolved to adopt a fifteen minute rule for the afternoon.

C. C. Burleigh, of Connecticut, in the absence of the Chairman of the Business Committee, introduced the following resolutions, which were, on motion, to be incorporated with the resolutions previously introduced, and then pending before the Convention:

RESOLVED, That we urge our fellow-citizens to petition Congress so to modify our Tariff laws as that they shall no longer protect and justify the importation of intoxicating liquors into State which have prohibited, or may hereafter prohibit the sale and diffusion of such liquors.

RESOLVED, That a natural, proper and efficient counteraction to the appetite for debasing indulgence and pernicious excitement is to be found in providing for all legitimate and healthful sources of pure, innocent, elevating pleasures of social and spiritual enjoyment; and, therefore, the library and reading room -the lyceum and music hall-galleries of paintings and sculpture-social assembly-rooms and pleasure grounds-should take the place of the bar-room and rum-cellar.

RESOLVED, That sound political economy concurs with sound morality in condemning the manufacture, sale and use of intoxicating drinks, since their cost to the consumer exceeds the actual cost of their production in a proportion five times as great as obtains in the case of useful articles; therefore, if the money spent for alcoholic beverages were devoted to the purchase of articles of utility, the present extravagant profits of distillers and run-sellers would be employed in cherishing legitimate branches of productive industry, which give to the labor bestowed upon them five times as great a proportion of their price as now goes to the labor for producing alcohol.

RESOLVED, That the officers of this meeting, together with its Business Committee, be constituted a permanent Committee, with power to call future Conventions, based on the same principles as this, wherever and whenever they deem it advisable to do so, and to initiate any other measures which they may judge best for the advancement of the Temperance cause.

The Chairman then called on Mrs. Emily Clark, of New-York, who spoke as follows:

Mr. Chairman and Friends-I doubt if I am able to fill this hall with my voice or not, but, under any circumstances, there is great allowance to be made for the imperfect elocution of ladies. However, as I took my lessons in oratory out in the open air, standing upon the stamp of a tree, and surrounded by the birds and squirrels, I may not trespass upon you too much. I will do my best -I will speak loud, and if I make myself heard I am certain that the people will not condemn me on that account. (Applause.) To have my name respected in Metropolitan Hall, I shall apply myself to the chief topics before the Convention. The experience of the past is now before us, and we know how we have passed from step to step of our progress, until we have reached-as Mr. Barnum told you yesterday-a grand crisis. If we now abate our exertions or relax our efforts to remove the deep seated curse-the great and giant evil, which is careering over the Empire State, it will be ruined and overwhelmed by it. (Applause.) But we have now gone so far that we possess a mighty lever in our hands, which, if worked at the ballot-box, by the hearty good will of true American citizens, the ruin of intemperance must be stayed, and the evil I have alluded to cease; and I say that if we, if you, neglect to so wield it, you and I become responsible for the frightful results which will ensue. (Applause.) I will here introduce a parable from an Oriental tale:-" and it came to pass in the East that one man was powerful either for
good or for evil, but he inclined to the evil, and so signed a decree; and this destroyer went forth to the work of death, prompted by the love of gain; and sword in hand he desolated the land, until thousands perished. And bloodshed was upon the fields; but yet did he go on until three hundred thousand persons had fallen, and thirty thousand people each year perished; and still his cry was-Give, give And he who had the power did not relax until the land was dripping with gore." You may transfer the scene from a Pagan to a Christian land, and place the time in the nineteenth century, and make rum the destroyer, and then you can account for the victims. (Cheers.) My friends, each of you is a man in power, as this one; each of you gives the decree, and your forefathers have sent it forth for centuries; you give the licenses to the rum-sellers, and the blood of the victims is upon your heads and dripping from your hands. I beseech of you go up to the ballot-box, vote for the Maine law, and thus wash yourselves clean from this gore for ever. (Loud applause.) Neither the fearful wreck of manhood, nor the destruction of all that is noble, generous, and manly in youth, nor all the suffering of womanhood, nor all the miseries of childhood are so great but they can be remedied by a temperance ballot-box. The drunkard is a man you create, by licensing for money the rum-seller to do the work of death from year to year. The work of reform must be utilitarian, and you have to lay the axe to the root, and not act like the Irishman who greased the buggy all over except the wheels and pins of the axle. It is thus we talk about temperance, but when the ballot-box is presented, we fail to effectually support it. If I understand my physical organization and my relations thereby to life, so must I equally understand my moral obligations, which no one can or dare despise. The enforcement of this law is one of them. We are assembled here to-day upon a platform to advocate the Maine law by the force and power of a previous education; and when the law has been in operation for twenty years, every one will wonder why it was so much opposed. Let us not quarrel about the means. The drowning man is not particular as to the description of rope which he is aided by, and so let it be with the Maine Law, which should be advocated as the exigencies of the moment require.

The President announced, as the next speaker, the individual who had published the first Temperance newspaper in the United States: William Lloyd Garrison, of Boston.

Mr. Garrison stated that in long years past he had been an active worker in the cause of Temperance, and though his efforts had been drawn more especially into other channels of reform, that yet his interest in it had been as warm as ever. When he was an active worker, the teetotaler was unpopular and looked down upon. Now, he could see thousands in a single Convention engaged as active members. If any one thing would disqualify him from speaking for Temperance as he once did, it would be that he was unaccustomed to talk upon Temperance to people who appreciated its value.

But now Chancellors, Judges, Politicians, Doctors of Divinity and office seekers of all kinds were coming forward to the work. It was certain
evidence of its growing popularity. At the conclusion of Mr. Garrison's remarks, he called upon all who had either personally or by their relatives been the sufferers by the use of alcoholic drinks, to rise. Fully two-thirds of the audience responded to his call.

Mrs. F. D. Gage, of Missouri, next addressed the Convention. Mrs. G. said:

The President has announced me as coming from Missouri; but I beg to state that I do not appear as a representative from there, as I have been only there a few months and am comparatively a stranger. I know little of the Temperance cause there or how it stands; but I trust that I have learned so much tonight, in my capacity as a looker-on, as will enable me to shed an Eastern light upon it when I return. I have come a long journey for this purpose, and I shall, I hope, be able to carry back glad tidings to my home in the Far West. Enough has been said here tonight, if experience did not before convince you of it, to prove that the cause of Temperance is right, and that
intemperance is wrong and leads to evil. Mrs. Gage here related an incident which occurred to her in her travels. A deck hand fell from a western steamboat and was drowned, notwithstanding every effort to save him. When inquiry was made about his fate, his fellow hands said "Oh, he was only a drunkard!" She continued-This great cause is the life-boat. Thirty thousand are going down yearly. Shall we hesitate to save them? Let us not differ about the means, whether it be the Maine law or the Carson league, but lay hold upon it, and we shall eventually succeed.
[Applause.]

Rev. Mr. Armstrong, of Saratoga, who organized a Temperance Society as early as 1808, next favored the Convention with some pathetic reminiscences of the effects of Rum-drinking.

Mr. Clark, of Rochester, being called upon, sang an appropriate Temperance song.

Mr. Booth, of Wisconsin, being called, next addressed the Convention. He spoke of the present state of the Temperance movement in his State, and of the enactment of the Maine Law being submitted to the popular vote in November next. His remarks were interesting and to the point.

Mr. Williams, of New York, introduced the following resolution:

RESOLVED,- That a Committee of five be appointed to prepare an Address from this Convention to the friends of Temperance throughout the world, declaring and enforcing the practical duties which at this hour especially devolve upon the advocates of the Temperance Revolution in America.

Dr. Snodgrass, as the author of a resolution of the supplementary series reported by the Business Committee, took occasion to call attention to its drift, which was, the necessity of bringing national legislation to the aid of local prohibitory laws, such as that of Maine.

Dr. S. also presented a written communication on the same subject, which it was voted to publish. The same disposition was made of a communication from Mr. S. W. Wheeler, of Providence, R. I.

The Convention adjourned at 7 P. M.

EVENING SESSION.

The Convention was called to order by the President at 7 P. M. Between 3,000 and 4,000 persons were present at the Evening Session.

The Amphions sung the song "Ben Fisher," composed by Mrs. Gage.

The President said that he held in his hand a letter from a zealous and eloquent friend of the Temperance cause-Rev. E. H. Chapin, which he would read, it was as follows:

Rockport, Mass, Aug. 30, 1853.

Dear Sir, -Other engagements connected with the cause of Temperance will prevent my being present at the " Whole World's Convention" on the 1st of September, and I beg leave to send these few lines, that my absence may not be interpreted as indicating a want of sympathy with its great objects; I am sure, with such an opportunity and such men, you will not need me. It would afford me great pleasure could I be present. Respectfully yours,
E. H. Chapin.

To C. B. Le Baron, Sec'ry Con. W. W. T. C.

Rev. Mr. Pierpont addressed the meeting thus:

Ladies and Gentlemen: I have been requested to limit my remarks to one point. I have, therefore, no touching anecdotes to tell you, no scintillations of wit to amuse you, no appeal to make to your feelings; my business is to address a plain and close argument to your understandings. The point is this: "The propriety or necessity of penal legislation in aid of moral reform," or, more closely limited to the present purpose-"the advantage or disadvantage "of the Maine Law, or a law at all analogous."

I shall present my argument principally in the form of a reply to objections. We were told this evening, or rather, this afternoon, by our friend Mr. Booth, from Wisconsin, that the great objects of a meeting like this are, First, to create a public sentiment in favour of Temperance; Secondly, to embody, to incarnate, that sentiment in the form of penal legislation against those standing in the way of the reform.. To these objects objections arise, as stated this afternoon. First, it is said that penal legislation has been hitherto found wholly in-operative and entirely inefficient, in all cases of moral obliquity. We are told by the respected delegate from Belgium, that we have as much stealing now in the world as there was before criminal enactments were directed against him who takes the property of another.

I take this to be a specimen of that class of legislation to which he would object. Let me ask, ladies and gentlemen, how this can be known to be true? When was the time at which there was no legislation directed against this moral obliquity? But, if penal legislation be justified in any case, why not in this to which we seek to direct it? What is there to exempt this case? If it be penal to kill your neighbor with a bullet, why should it not be penal to kill him with the bowl? If it be penal to take away his life by a poison, which does its work in six hours, why not penal to do so by one that takes six years for its deadly operation? Would you not measure the guilt of an act by the amount of suffering it causes? If, then, that which we work against causes ten-fold suffering, should not its punishment be ten-fold in severity? Alcohol produces ten times the amount of suffering that arsenic does. The latter destroys life; a few brief hours of agony and its work is done-but the agony caused by alcohol, extending over months and years, torments its victim with more than ten-fold cruelty. Arsenic takes away animal life merely; it touches not the soul; while alcohol gives, not only ten times the amount of animal agony, but also destroys the soul, sapping all moral feeling, quenching all intellectual light. Therefore, my friends, I ask a more severe punishment for that crime which works the moral, and the immortal ruin, than for that whose touch overturns a mere tenement of clay.

But we are told, in the same objection, that penalties are ineffectual! Precisely the same objection can be made to every law meant to prevent any of the whole catalogue of sins enumerated in the Decalogue. For example, there are murders every week; there are more murders than weeks in the year. Yet will you blot out the Sixth Commandment? And you may as well do so as leave it without a sanction. The law which is not followed by a sanction, is a blank paper. "Thou shalt not kill" That is the law. What, then, if you do kill? Nothing! Let it pass! That is a specimen of a law without a sanction! If thou destroyest the life of thy brother, thine own life shall answer for it. Break down his liberty, and thine own shall be tumbled to the ground. We have our apostolic recognition of the principle. The Moral Law of God is dictated to prevent the violation by one man of the rights and liberties of another. Shall we exchange penal statutes, and thus, in practical effect, pronounce that there shall be no law? Try the experiment, and see how you shall come out of it.

I doubt not my friend from Belgium would go with me against all capital punishment. I would not kill every rumseller, who propogates, as all do, murderous inebriety; but I would make him feel a penalty measured to his offence, and calculated to stop it.

The other of the objections I have adverted to, comes from the rumseller himself. It is in this form: "Gentlemen, friends of Temperance, take a word of counsel from a true friend. You mistake entirely the way in which this cause is to be carried on. Consider: it is a moral cause, and therefore must be furthered by moral agencies alone. Do not let it interfere with politics; the moment it does, it is degraded; the pure ermine is sullied; the angel of light receives a blot upon her wings."

Thank you, gentlemen! There is an old maxim in strategy, [the science of war,] "Fas est et ab haste doceri, it is right to take a lesson even from an enemy." I have no doubt it is the opinion of every rumseller in New York that it is periling the whole cause to bring it into the field of politics. I take counsel, and, with it, the ground that legal prohibition is moral action. I maintain that there is not that antagonism implied between moral and political action; and now, my argument is to that point. I would disabuse the community of the mistake made thereon. What is a moral act? I do not know how better to define it than thus,-an act resulting from, or consisting in, the
activity of some one of the moral sentiments, let it be manifested or carried out by whatever instrumentality it may. We do not characterize an act characterize an act of the instrumentality, but of the motives. Pardon the metaphysics of my arguments; I cannot help it, nor is it out of place; for there are before me metaphysicians, that is, men and women who have understanding. Let me give an illustration. Suppose a drunken neighbor goes into the woods, ties a cord round his neck, and to a tree, and hangs himself. I find him so. What shall I do? Leave him to his liberty-to his free will to destroy himself? Humanity says "No." What do I do? Perhaps I undertake to untie the knot; but, finding I cannot, I take out my jack-knife, cut the rope, and let him down.

Is that a moral action, so to save his life? I will not depend on my own judgment. I will take the sense of this sensible meeting. Whoever thinks it is a moral action, say aye. Ay. [From the whole house.] Contrary, no. [Silence.] The ayes have it; it is a moral action. Next, let us see where lies the morality. In my jack-knife? No! In my hand? No! In any part of my animal organization? No! I trace it back to the moral sentiment; the love of our neighbor. An I right? [Put to the house as before, and carried] We have another illustration in the story of the good Samaritan. Let us vary that a little; let us suppose that, instead of one, there were twenty men found in piteous plight, cut down by banditti. The first cries, "Attend to me!" The second exclaims, "Oh! come first to my aid!" Another moans, "Ah! give me help!" What now does the good Samaritan do? He puts spurs to his horse, dashes down to Jericho, finds the council of that city in session, and cries,
"Magistrates and fathers of this city. I want you to send nurses, surgeons, any kind of aid you can, to make an appropriation for the sufferers." The magistrates say, "Yes, there are a thousand dollars for their relief." Is that a moral action on the part of the magistrates of Jericho? [Voted so by the meeting.] You say that is moral in the Jerichoites? Now, Jericho was a city; a city is called in Greek polis, whence the adjective politicos , "of a city," whence the words politics and political, which are applicable to any municipal corporation, and may be used from a town-council up to the Congress of the United States. I ask, is not political and moral action incumbent in any
corporation? [Voted by the house.] Therefore where a municipality takes action in favor of humanity, there is at once political and moral action. That is the answer.

My neighbor hangs to a tree. Am I to indulge my very moral sentiment and leave him there? How is he the better of that? But, when I carry out my good feeling animally by my arm, and mechanically by my jack-knife, then I do right; otherwise I leave the world no better, save in gratifying myself by this very individual sentiment, which is a precious small matter.

My friends, what do we do in this Convention? We ask a law to protect the wife and family of the intemperate man. We ask it from kind feelings to our fellow-creatures, exposed to the worst of all sufferings. We cannot get that, in the present form of society, except through political organization, and God places us where we are to do so. Moral sentiment carried out by political organization is my argument. Is it your opinion? If so, vote it. [Put to the meeting and passed without dissent.]

Well then, if am wrong, you are wrong too; we are all in the same predicament. Thus the objection, tried by metaphysics and moral administration, if futile; therefore no more from you, oh, rum-sellers! except you mean to be laughed at. We mean to keep ourselves to moral action.

There is one other objection. "Gentlemen it is in vain for you to talk to the drunken man of reform, by making it penal for him to get drunk;" in other words, "you cannot carry out a moral object by physical force;" or, in other words still, "you cannot force a man in through the gate of heaven at the point of the bayonet." I know it, and am glad we cannot.

I reply, you do not understand our object. We ask a law analogous to the Maine law, not with an immediate view to the drunkard; he is not named in the law, nor alluded to. To whom, then, is the law directed? To the drunkard maker. We appeal to the poor drunken man, and he admits his fault, but pleads want of manhood to resist. Here are men, the business of whose lives is to tempt him. Society says: "We cannot stand out as advocates of temperance; it is the business of the State, not to save men's souls, but to protect Citizens in the enjoyment of their rights." Here let me be understood if possible. Religion has one function, to bring men to light out of darkness; the State has another, to protect every individual in the enjoyment of this rights; then the State has discharged its duty; or, as the law says, it is functus officio.

Now the State says, every parent in the community has a right to the service of his children, male and female; therefore it is a wrong to withdraw children from the discipline, influence, instruction of their parents, and to deprive them of their services. Tis so, as between husband and wife, and wife and Husband. It is the business of the State to protect husbands, wives, parents, and children. Till this is done, the work of the State is not done.

The State itself has a right to say, "I demand the services of every one of my citizens, and therefore have a right to see to his condition of body and mind; and so, in justice to myself, I may say to every man, this man is under my care; I have a right to his services, and you shall not unfit him to render them."

The State knows nothing of conscience, nothing of that sin the account of which lies between man and God. That is the business of religion; but the State takes the ground, "if you deprive me, or any whom I protect, of that which is their due, I am right in punishing you." That is my argument.

The President -"I have now the pleasure of introducing to his Convention, as the next speaker, one whose simplicity and uprightness of character make all compliments from me, from any one, an impertinence- Lucretia Mott, of Philadelphia."

The President left the chair, and politely escorted Mrs. Mott to the stand amid the hearty applause of the audience. When silence was restored, she proceeded to address the audience as follows:-

You have had this cause presented in so many forms and in so many ways that there seems indeed little necessity for any additional remarks. It has been presented in its comic, as well as in its tragic dress, and it has had the harmony of sweet sounds to commend it to you. It has had political appeals not a few, and moral appeals-would that I could say more. I doubt not that our friend who last spoke in his zeal for political action, and in what were regarded as very able arguments to sustain it, somewhat unintentionally overlooked, or rather, in my view at least, set too light an estimate on the moral aspects of the case. Indeed, I have thought from time to time, that in
such an assemblage as this, if the subject could be help up in its sublime moral aspect; if the hearts of temperance reformers could have been appealed to, again and again, to carry forward this enterprise on this ground, more than they have done they need not fear. But that there would be plenty of political action, just as fast as the moral sentiment is brought up to a condition to enact a law, for we know very well that our government-that our statement-that our politicians have enough of the retaliatory spirit; that all these great reformatory movements are in accordance with each other; and the moralist as well as the politicians may rejoice, that cause has advanced so far, that their retaliatory instrumentalities are used now on the side of temperance rather than of intemperance, and rather than in the granting of
licences, and such other acts as governments, laws and statesmen have been wont to perform. I have no doubt but this will be the case.

They will find that in all these reforms there is work enough for them to stir up the pure mind in themselves, and in urging on the progress of the cause of truth-to hold up the light higher and higher, and cause it to shine brighter and brighter before more sustained action. It is interesting to trace the progress of this cause from its earliest movement; how it began by very little action, and how it has gone on by faithfulness to greater and greater activity, until now this entire teetotal ground has been attained. And we may remember, too, how earnest, how vigilant, how constantly active, were the Temperance reformers. Our friend, in illustration of right in political action, referred also to the practical case mentioned by the blessed Jesus of Nazareth, in the treatment of the man who was stripped, robbed, and left
half-dead by the road-side.

The temperance men and temperance women have been endeavoring to carry out the principle of the good Samaritan, and in proportion as they have taken that ground of benevolence and morality, have they succeeded in their efforts? Mrs. Mott proceeded of describe the early experience of those who were engaged in the Temperance movement. She had herself been ashamed to enter the temperance meeting to raise her voice in behalf of the poor drunkard, because she was an abolitionist. It was feared, by the temperance friends, that her presence would bring odium on their cause!

The various moral reformers were, however, becoming more and more liberal in their views and sentiments, and they discovered that there was not so much danger in blending several reforms together as was at first believed. And still more recent events had made it imperative that those exclusive notions should be annihilated. They now found, Lloyd Garrison and Elihu Burritt occupying the Temperance platform.

They could not restrain the natural course of such principles as Peace, Temperance and Liberty from uniting together. They were united in the same individuals, and were of the same kindred. It had been the same with regard to the movement for Woman's Rights. It was supposed that it would be an injury to the cause of temperance for those who were engaged in that movement to be likewise prominent in this. However, next week the women would have a meeting of their own in the Tabernacle. The various leaders of the different moral movements could now rejoice together and mingle their power and spirits together in that great and holy cause, without fear or outrage to the feelings of any. She rejoiced at the fact that the children were all with them in that cause. It was occasioned by their purity of soul; and-were she speaking on a Theological instead of a Temperance platform, she would say, it was from their inherent love of right-their natural love of right, for she did not believe in the doctrine so long taught in the churches of the inherent and natural corruption of the child. [Cheers.]

The speaker appealed to the high moral sense of her audience, to adopt the utmost liberality towards all other movements; and, after condemning the custom of appealing to scripture in support of slavery and intemperance, she concluded by referring to the vision of Peter, which was intended to teach the great Christian doctrine of equality: that God was no respecter of persons, but that, in every nation, they that feared him and worked righteousness, were accepted of him. (Long continued applause.)

"If I were a voice" was then sung by the Amphions.

The President then said:

Among the three thousand faces on this floor there is but one which I do not like to see. I think you will agree with me that John P. Hale ought not to be sitting among you, but standing on this platform.

Vociferous applause followed from the surprised and gratified audience, and three hearty cheers were given, at the call of Col. Snow, when Mr. Hale at length ascended the platform and addressed the Convention as follows:

Mr. President -I think I can assure my friends, without any affectation, that the last thing I expected, was to address them this evening; and, when I have gone off from the stage, I am certain all will believe in my sincerity, when I say that I came entirely unprepared to address you. But I have come to a determination that I will never turn my back to that which has my judgment and my sympathies; and my heart was with you before I came forward to respond to your call. As I have nothing arranged in my mind to say, you will therefore permit me to give what illustrations from my own experience within a few days may come to my recollection, with the hope that they may suggest something that will be a profitable subject for consideration.

A week since I was riding in the cars through my native village, in New Hampshire, and the engineer, being considerably behind his time, and fearing that he would be too late to make the necessary connection, put on a little extra speed. It so happened that an aged woman, fully eight-five years old, who was walking casually up the track, was struck by the engine, knocked down, and in an instant was a lifeless corpse. It sent a thrill of horror through the village, and loud and deep were the execrations and denunciations heaped upon the Railroad Company and the parties having charge of the train and locomotive for this reckless loss of life.

When I arrived in this city, I took a letter from the office, post-marked from the village to which I have referred; and its contents were an inquiry if the law afforded no remedy against such an act. This is a solitary instance; but who does not remember the fearful calamity which happened in Connecticut, when fifty human beings, without a moment's warning, were summoned to close their connection with the affairs of time, and enter upon the realities of another world. What was the result? From one end of the county to the other, newspaper politicians, legislators, philosophers and all, were examining the question, to know if there could not be something devised, some law
enacted, by which the lives of those who were entitled to the protection of the law could be protected. They did not stop here, for the Legislature of Connecticut introduced a stringent bill, which became a law, and her citizens and the passing stranger will be hereafter guarded against a railroad calamity resulting from a draw-bridge. Well, now, if the wise legislators of Connecticut would extend the sphere of their inquiry, and ask if there are not within Connecticut, and within every State of the Union, causes which summon, if not as evidently yet a great deal more fearfully, hundreds and thousands every day to appear before the throne of the Almighty, they would find that draw-bridges are not the only evils from which they have to fear danger within their borders. Again, my friends, whose sympathies have
not been aroused? Whose heart has not bled? Whose pity has not been excited, as they have dwelt upon the fearful tale which tells us of the ravages which the pestilence is making in our neighboring city, New Orleans? They are now experiencing there, the visitation of the pestilence; but suppose it were told, in addition to this, that there were to be found in New Orleans a set of men who waxed fat and grew rich by selling to the inhabitants an article of food which was found to be the fruitful source of the yellow fever; would you give any money for the aid of the sufferers and afflicted, till the authorities had done what they could to put down those who caused that pestilence? Is there not another pestilence, compared with which the yellow fever is an nought; and is not this pestilence destroying its victims, not only in the heat of summer, but in the cold of winter? The citizens of New Orleans are rejoicing in the hope, that, as the summer passes away the epidemic will go away on the winds of heaven. But there is another pestilence that knows no season, that knows no climate or locality; it strikes its victim in the crowded haunts of men, and pursues him to his home in the forest. It strikes him in the heat of summer; the cooling winds of autumn bring no refuge from its attack; but, in all seasons and climes, it goes forth, striking its victims with a malady, compared with which the yellow fever or any other plague, is trifling, and may be easily dealt with by the healing art. They may find other causes-the stagnant pool and marsh-but, my friends, here is a stagnant pool which comes in the zephyrs of spring, in the faint winds of summer, in the cooling breath of autumn, and in fierceness of the winter tempest. It comes at all times; it never ceases; and while your ingenuity, and sympathy, and pity are appealed to to do something to assuage these minor evils, why is it, my friends, that in relation to this great evil, which is the fruitful parent of them all, you are silent. helpless, and dumb? Is it not time that that active sympathy which inquires into the cause, and seeks for a remedy, of every other evil that afflicts man, should turn their attention to this parent of all them? When we hear of deeds of
philanthropy which have characterized past ages and the present, it is said that the greatest discovery of philanthropy was the discovery of vaccination. It was a great triumph of the healing art, a discovery of that simple process by which the ravages of a loathsome disease might be stayed. But if so, with what higher success should he be crowned who shall discover an antidote to that disease, compared with which the small-pox and yellow fever do not deserve to be mentioned? If I understand the friends of Temperance, they profess to have found it in the practical application of their motto-"Touch not, taste not, handle not, impure things." Well, my friends, I don't propose to go into the details of this subject this evening. I came up, in obedience to your call, to let you know that my heart is with you, and that it is a cause upon which I am not willing at any time to turn my back. Last and least of all, Mr. President, will I turn my back upon it, because you
have invited your wives, and mothers, and sisters here. (Great applause.) Surely, my friends, surely, if this be such a work of philanthropy as I have described it, it is entitled to the sympathies of woman; and it is not meet that she who was "last at the cross and first at the sepulchre," should stay her hand here. (Repeated applause.) Let this cause be taken up and carried forward in that way which shall commend itself to the best judgment of us all. It is a field of philanthropy so wide, that we may all work in it, without jostling each other. We may divide among ourselves the best paths for our labor, in this glorious cause. with these remarks, I will leave you, and will not
trespass any longer upon your patience. Indeed, I am sure I owe an apology for addressing you upon the subject of temperance, standing, as I do, in the presence of John Pierpont. (The speaker here sat down amid great applause.)

The President then introduced Col. E. L. Snow.

He said he was called on unexpectedly, but he felt himself honored in being permitted to speak before an audience. The cause in which we are engaged is such, and the platform one so broad, that no age, color, or sex should be excluded. Our principles are so broad that we have Democrats and Whigs, and every shade of political opinion, all laboring side by side in this great cause. When I look around me, a painful period of my life is brought back to my mind. Once I was a rum-seller in the city of Boston, and I remember that, accompanied by several of my fellows, I was going to a Temperance meeting to put down the speakers. Before we went, we took several drinks; when we got there, I saw this gentleman, [pointing to Mr. Pierpont,] presiding; I felt that he was so good a man, and had labored so long in the service of the public good, that, when one of my friends was about to insult and abuse him, and put this fist in his face with a curse, I stepped between them, and told him he would have to do it over my body. (Cheers.) He then went on to contrast the difference between that period and the present. Then, the advocate of Temperance principles was hissed from the stage; now he is listened to with respectful attention. From this, he augured the nearness of the time when all shall acknowledge the Maine Law. (Cheers.)

Loud calls now were now made for William Lloyd Garrison, who came forward, and briefly addressed them. He said:

I am glad to be with you on this occasion, and to see so many ardent supporters of the Maine Law here. But, my friends, I am no politician, and my suffrage is restricted from the ballot box, as I am a man of peace, and cannot recognize any laws that are in favor of war; and the Maine Law, if enacted, is to be carried out, even at the peril human life. I do not recognize any law, that countenance slavery, and therefore I could not vote for the Maine Law. If he voted for that law, or any other, or for a man who would pledge himself to support it, he would be virtually recognizing the validity of the laws of this country, recognizing the Constitution, and that Constitution declares the right of the President to make war, and support the Compromise measure. How could I, as a peace man, do this? How could I tell the poor slave that I am his friend, and vote for this law? But I say to those voters who are not so sensitive on those points, that if you do vote at all, vote for the Maine Law. But, for one, I shall take that position which may conscience will sanction.

I doubt if the Maine Law would do all you give it credit for. There are laws against profanity, yet there is none the less swearing. There is a law against lewdness, but it is lessened thereby? He thought too much confidence is placed in law; men are apt to shift off their moral responsibility, and rely upon Legislation. All political reforms are the fruits and not the parents of morality. It is obvious that men who need laws to govern them are not fit to be trusted. He concluded by hoping that the principles of temperature would be carried out to their fullest extent, by all present in such way as the cause would justify. (Cheers.)

A motion was made that when the Convention adjourned, it should do so to meet at 9 o'clock the next morning.

Mr. Oliver Johnson said he hoped the motion would not prevail; he preferred to let the audience go home with the eloquence they have been listening to fresh and warm on their minds, rather than to meet again in the morning and have their ardor damped by a smaller and fatigued audience. If they wanted to hear more speaking, let them to Saturday evening's banquet. (Cheers.)

The motion was withdrawn.

It was now voted that Mr. Carson prepare a synopsis of his League Organization, for publication in the proceedings. Carried.

Loud calls were made from all parts of the audience for Miss Lucy Stone . She came forward and spoke of the legal disfranchisement of women:

As the outside world has chosen to repudiate her influence, she was glad to find within this Convention that woman is recognized as a helper in the great work of reform.

She would desire to urge that all present should lend their earnest aid to the cause of Temperance. Let us give our head and heart and hand to this cause, until the last rum shop is shut up, and the landlord will be ashamed to rent his building for a rum hole.

If there be but one with us, as Frederick Douglas has said, "that one with God is a majority." No matter if the cause be unpopular, to side with truth is noble. I believe the day will come when we can write in the hearts of the people, the truth of our belief. We can't afford to be other than Temperance men and women. We may lose our personal reputation for a time for our devotion to this cause, but there is a treasure richer than rubies and jewels the wealth of a consciousness of right. I hope the time will come when with a diamond, will be written, in the drunkard's heart, the firm principles of Temperance.

Waldo Emerson said, and i wish that he was here to say it himself, that, if the girl at the spinning frame tied but one broken thread carelessly, when the fabric was woven and dressed, if it was imperfect, and the master traced it back to the girl who carelessly caused it, she was made to pay the damage. So it will be with us, my friends; if we do not exert a good influence on society, there will be a damaged woof, a faulty thread, and the great Master at the judgment day will trace the fault to its source. (Cheers.)

At the conclusion of Miss Stone's remarks, (of whose unpremeditated eloquence and impressiveness, the report gives no idea,) there was a movement to depart, but calls being made for "Burleigh," and other speakers, the President said:

Friends, is seems to me better that we should have no more speaking; not merely because it is long past ten, but because the calm eloquence which has just held us spell-bound is a fitting close to our Convention. Let us pass our resolutions and adjourn, and that voice of clear melody will still linger in our ears and the night will be filled with music.

The whole of the resolutions were then passed unanimously.

A vote of thanks was tendered to the reporters for the general fidelity of their reports, and the judgment displayed in presenting the prominent features of the proceedings.

Dr. Parmly then offered the following:

I move but the thanks of the Whole World's Temperance Convention, so remarkable for good order, harmony and earnest enthusiasm, be offered to our President, Thomas W. Higginson, for the able dignified and courteous manner in which he has presided over its deliberations; having at every succeeding session highly distinguished himself for clear views, nice discrimination, and a just and impartial regard for the claims and rights of every individual member, as well as to the great and good cause which has thus called us together.

Carried unanimously.

A vote of thanks was then tendered to the Amphions and to Mr. Clarke for their beautiful songs.

The President then announced that the convention adjourned sine die.

NOTE.
LETTER FROM JOHN G. WHITTIER.
(Received too late to be reach in Convention.)

Anesbury, 29th of 8th Month, 1853.

My Dear Friend: -Thy note of the 20th inst., inviting me to attend the Temperance Convention, called in New York on the 1st and 2nd of the next month has just been placed in my hand.

I hasten to say that it would give me pleasure to be able to comply with the invitation. I fully approve of the movement, and wish it abundant success.

Whatever opinion may be honestly entertained, as to the appropriate sphere of woman, it seems to me, that none but the blindest can fail to see that the sphere must include all duties whose obligation rests equally on the whole human family. To be temperate ourselves, and to promote that virtue in others, are duties of this class; and in their exercise, I know no reason why one sex should impose restrictions, on the other.

The state of my health (not to mention other obstacles,) must exclude me from active participation in your meeting. But, in spirit and sympathy, I am heartily with you.

As ever, thy friend,
JOHN G. WHITTIER., was then introduced to the audience amid loud applause.

I am not (said she) unconscious, friends, that I stand as yet upon a contested platform-that my woman's foot presses ground denied to her to maintain-so you will allow me to make some reference to this point. There are subjects which it is not relevant to allude to upon this platform; but, friends, in presenting to you the necessity for the Maine Law, I must show you the deep and great need of women for its enactment. I cannot present to you woman's claim to the Maine Law, to restore the sweet harmonies of domestic life, without presenting to you the discord intemperance has made
upon the heart-strings of women and children. You will therefore allow me in my remarks to state my positions and to maintain them as in my judgement is best. I has been a common remark, and one which is entertained both by church members and members of the State, that woman is the greatest sufferer from intemperance-woman, who is not herself convicted of the crime of intemperance-who is not herself given to intemperance-as a class, woman is the greatest sufferer. Yet few have found who have asked why, why does woman, who is not herself the victim of vice, suffer more than man, who is? Here, my friends, is the point to which I wish to call your attention. Woman is the greatest sufferer, because she belongs and is bound hand and foot, and given to the protection of her husband. I say that woman is the greatest sufferer, because the laws of the land have bound her hand and foot, and committed her soul and body to the protection of her husband; and when he fails to protect her through imbecility, misjudgment, misfortune, or intemperance, she suffers. It is because the mother of humanity cannot hold in her own hand the bread she earns to feed her babes and children-it is because of the crimes of her inebriate husband, if he be one, that she suffers. It is because that the babes that she rears are given to the custody of the drunken husband. And, friends, if intemperance did not invade our homes-if it did not take from us now clothing, our bread, and the means for our self-development, and for the training of our children to respectability and usefulness-if it did not take the babes from our bosoms,-I would not stand here. [Applause.] And friends, although it be woman's right, I must present to you as my justification for addressing you upon this occasion. I feel, friends, that man cannot row the boat of humanity alone, for when he does so, it goes round and round in a circle, until at length his arm tires, and he, with all his craft on board is engulphed. It seems to me that the great cause of humanity is very much in the position of a little child, of whom I will state a little anecdote in illustration. A friend of mine, a few weeks ago, taking a journey in a state coach met in it a man with a little infant in his arms-an infant of months-in the arms of the father. My friend was exceedingly interested in that child, and was filled with wonder and many apprehensions for the reason that this father should be carrying that infant a long journey in his arms, and no mother with it. She fancied that the mother was dead. How could she think anything else? She inquired of him "Where is the baby's mother?" Said he, "She would not come along with us;" when husband and wife disagree they must separate. She said, "And you
take the little babe?" "Yes" said he. He had the right and the power. Said my friend, "When the child is hungry, can you feed it?" Oh yes," answered he, "I can feed it, for I have a pocket full of cakes."

After a man has gone through the world into every department of life-into the Legislature-and has been engaged in all the social improvements carried out for humanity-a pocket full of cakes-and humanity is dyspeptic, and all the intelligence and the morality of the country has been fed upon cakes from a man's pocket. [Laughter and applause.] It is dyspeptic; and what we now ask is that it may be restored to the mother-fountain of humanity, and drink the milk of human kindness that God has stored in the breast of woman. [Applause.] In my remarks this morning, I wish to bear particularly upon the responsibility of Christians in this movement, and upon the responsibility of Church members and the Church of Christ. As a member of a Christian Church, I appeal to my brethren and sisters with a heart full of love and yearning that they may meet me upon this ground, that I may find a response in their souls which will give me courage to move onward in the course of self-denial and duty in this cause. I know the churches of different
denominations act with different power upon the great reforms of the day. The churches of which I am a member act in their separate capacities. The churches are independent bodies, and act separately,-one church cannot control the action of another church. I speak of the Baptist denomination, and it is so with many other bodies of Christians. I have noticed with a great deal of pleasure that as this movement has progressed, the churches have come up and passed resolutions endorsing the Maine Law, and pledging themselves to give their influence and their power to the work. But it strikes me that it is not the whole duty of the Christian Church to pray and talk upon it. I have conversed with some of our clergy, who are among the foremost friends of the Maine Law-who have given us sermon upon sermon, line upon line, and precept upon precept, which they nobly dared to do; yet I have not found the first one of them-and I say it with a sad heart-who will recommend political action, and who will recommend that the Church should take cognizance of the political action of its members upon this question. You may think me ultra; but first carry it to the throne of God-stand before the bar of the Almighty-and then can you convict me, my friends, when I say that the Church should take cognizance of the political action of its members? No one, for a moment, can then, I think, suppose that God himself does not take cognizance of political acts as Christian duty. They say they do not see
how we could recognize the political action of our members. We do not see how we could discipline them as to the manner in which they should vote upon the question. Now, friends, what is the organization of Christianity worth, if you cannot reach a member of that body in all his actions-if you cannot reach him, and bring the force of the Church, as an organization, to bear upon every individual member, in his action in any department in life? What is that organization worth? I think that much of the embarrassment upon this point arises from the association of the past. In the past, a man might drink rum and sell rum and be a good Christian, but you must recollect these were days of darkness. Perhaps when God winked at sin and ignorance, then his Church might; but now there is no sin or ignorance to be winked at, and
you will understand that now we are responsible to God for all our ability and all our influence; and by-the-bye, if we are responsible to use all our influence for God, we are under obligation to acquire all the influence we can for the same high and holy purpose-the Church as a body, as well as the individual members. In the past we have given all that we had to the good work. We have pledged ourselves to the Almighty that we will be one with humanity, and give our life and all our efforts for its salvation from wrong done and wrong doing. We have made the application just so far as we could see the wrong done, and we have come up to the work, and given ourselves to it unreservedly; but in the course of time-for we know that he that runs shall read-light shall break in upon our path, and we shall see more room for truth,
and unless the Church comes up as a body, and every individual member of it, and gives the whole to God, they are failing in Christ and not doing their duty. If the Church has more knowledge and more light upon the evils of intemperance to-day-if the Church knows as well as the individual member knows, that the vote of every man fixes upon us the sin of intemperance, or goes to carry it from the land, then his church is responsible to come up to that point of discipline, and enforce it against every man who votes against the Maine Law. I may be in advance upon you on this point, but I doubt whether there is one in this assembly who will not endorse this principle. If this be so then you are bound by every consideration, as Christians and as human beings to carry out those principles-for when will principles become of use to the world until they are made practical? The Church has more to do in this matter than this, or rather they are more deeply interested than to the extent I have stated. Nearly two-thirds of our Church are made up of women, and woman is the greatest sufferer from intemperance. I have for more than thirty years been a member of a Christian Church; I joined it in my childhood, and side and side I have sat with aged women who had been obliged to procure divorces from drunken husbands. The fair orator concluded her remarks by calling upon her hearers to sustain the principles of the Maine Law.

The President said there was another lady whose labors in the New York Women's organization for the promotion of Temperance had perhaps been no less arduous or less efficient than those of the last speaker were in Vermont. He referred to Mrs. Vaughn, the President of the Woman's State Temperance Society of New York.

Mrs. Vaughn said:-

I shall be obliged to make the request, on account of my weak voice, that the audience will be as quiet and still as possible. My province has been to work more by the pen than by the tongue, and with it I have been able sometimes to make myself heard. As the President of the Woman's State Temperance Society I ought to say something of what we have done. We have been laboring for the Maine law in this state; we have held conventions, we have presented petitions, and we applied to politicians, and we have thought that we were right is so doing, and right in out opinions. The right to vote is withheld from us women, and therefore we must appeal to the voters to do what they in their conscience think is right. We would like to have the temperance sentiment which has sprung from the women of New York spread over the whole broad world. We want to have it understood that our work is the advancement of temperance-that it is our right, and if we cannot on our own behalf urge self sufferings, then we urge the sufferings of our sisters, and ask that they may be protected in all the affections which cluster around the fireside. It is not for the women of New York alone we work but the women of the world. (Applause.) And I would also plead for the men of the world, that they may be free from this curse. (Applause) This temperance reform lays at the basis of other reforms. Our society is laboring for this reform, and all over the world woman is laboring for this. And I rejoiced yesterday to hear the pioneer from the Old World, who has fought and acted with us. I desire to see the temperance women banded together some way, that they may throw their influence in the political scale for the Maine law. Let them go from house to house, if necessary, and ask each voter if he can refuse woman his protection; and when the time comes for the election I want the women to go to the polls and electioneer. I was going to say they ought to vote too, but they cannot do it legally. In this way woman can control the election; for I don't believe there is a man in this State that woman cannot reach in some way or other. We want the women to aid the men in freeing the world from this great evil. (Applause.)

A German gentleman then got on the platform, and requested to be heard for a moment. Permission being accorded, he said. "I believe that this is a World's Temperance Convention. It appears that the American side of the question has been pretty well shown. I would like to speak on the European side." He was informed that he could do so then, or in the afternoon. He preferred the afternoon.

Mr. Wollaston, of Vermont, followed:-

He had formerly been a general. He was now a general too, but there was this difference. He was then a general in the army of king Alcohol; but now, he thanked God, he was a general representative to this Convention from the beautiful little state of Vermont. Before the passage of the law in Vermont, they had another law there, which, however, was of no use. It was left to the Justices of the Peace to give license to sell liquor to such as they might deem best entrusted with it; but that was of no earthly use; so it was abandoned, and the people were now satisfied with the Maine law, which was substituted for it. He did not mean to say, that because the Maine law was
passed by the legislature of Vermont there was no liquor sold there. There was a good deal used, but the Sons of Industry were working with industry and success to put a stop to it.

If a man went out to the State of New York to get liquor, these Sons of Temperance, of whom there is a Division in the place, from which he came, lie in wait for him, and search his wagon, and require to be informed of what is kept there. If he is found to have liquor with him, he is taken before the Justice; and when he is convicted of having violated the law, he is fined, or put in prison, in default of the fine being paid, and his liquor is thrown into the ditch. In the little town of Rutland, to which he belongs, they have spilled already some 600 to 800 gallons of rot-gut. [Cheers.] On the fourth of July it was said that a large quantity of liquor had been sent for to New York, in order to be sold on that day. The Sons of Temperance had got the wind of it, the liquor was spilled, and the conductor of the train that brought it, was sent off to jail by the Justice.

The speaker concluded by referring to the happy effects of the Temperance law throughout the State of Vermont, and, in his own town, Rutland, in particular.

The Convention then adjourned to 3 o'clock P.M.

AFTERNOON SESSION.

At three o'clock the Convention reassembled to the number of about two thousand people.

The first speaker was Mr. Victor Hanoi, of Belgium, who said:

That as they had the American aspect of the Temperance question this morning, it was but right that they should now be introduced to the European. He was a German, he said, and begged the indulgence of the audience for the imperfect language in which he was compelled to address them. This, however, he was determined should not be an obstacle in his way, for he was resolved that his ideas should be fully understood. There were, he continued, two principles in the world-the principles of good and evil, as represented by God and the evil. Now, all efforts to restrain the liberty of man he considered as evil in its character and would be productive of the most disastrous results. No such efforts succeeded, or ever would. We have as many thieves now in the world as we ever had; and just so is it with the Maine Law-there will be just as many drunkard's after it is passed as before it. In the old country the question of temperance has not arrived at the same position which it occupies here. There, the people are struggling for political liberty, and they cannot give so much of their attention to it. The people are divided there into republicans and despots, while here they are divided into the two classes of drunkards and those who do not drink. There is political liberty here, but there is no social liberty. There are many who cannot get work here, and who are forced to steal for a living. Now, I say, give the individual more social liberty, remove the obstacles which beset his path, give him land, and provide him with the means of living.

Rev. Mr. Fraugh, of New York, proceeded to speak in favor of the Maine Law. He called upon the temperance people to unite in one solid mass and get it unison and he had no doubt of their ultimate success. He wanted the World's Convention and similar societies to walk up to the work manfully and bravely. The State of New York, he predicted, would give seventy thousand majority in favor of the law, when it would come before the people.

Mr. Sabin, of Pennsylvania, adduced some valuable statistical matter bearing upon the Reform. One item, well worthy of being mentioned, referred to the fact, that only 10 per cent. of the wholesale price of liquors was accorded to the workmen for their labor in manufacture, while in other branches from 35 to 90 per cent. constituted the laborer's proportion. He also stated the fact, that $74,000,000 were spent for liquors in America, each year. The speaker introduced the following resolutions:

RESOLVED, That the enactment of a law in its general provisions to the Maine Law would be eminently conducive to the natural prosperity of any and every State adopting it; because the amount per cent. paid to the laborer for the production of alcoholic beverages does not average more than ten per cent. whereas in the manufacture of useful articles, such as clothing, furniture &c. an average of not less than fifty per cent. is paid got their manufacture. Therefore, if all money that is now spent in the production of liquors were devoted to useful purposes there would at once be a demand for labor which would more than counterbalance any momentary loss occasioned to a certain
class by the enactment.

The President next introduced Dr. De Wolfe , of Maine.

I am, said he, a citizen of Maine, and I flatter myself that I feel as proud as Paul did when he said "I am a Roman citizen." [Loud applause.] It will be anticipated, I suppose, coming from headquarters, that I may say something about the Maine Law. I am sorry that I am so poor a representative from that noble State of which I am proud, but I will refer somewhat to the law and its workings-what it has been and what now exists in relation to it. I will say, further, that I now speak mostly, or shall attempt to, for your gratification. I am not, my friends, so great a stickler for laws as some. I have but a very small veneration for law, but I will give you to understand my views on this matter. I think I know somewhat of the condition of the people, and I am willing to give them what they will have. It is policy of course. If they will not
partake of the kind of food I want to give them, let them have that which they think they need, and all I ask of them is allow me to eat my food and to drink my water, to think for myself and to speak for myself; but, at the same time, I am willing to bear the burthens [burdens] of others. I came up to New York not as a representative in this Convention, but as a delegate to the partworld Convention; but my sympathies are with the whole world, and I know no line of demarcation that separates me from all mankind. [Loud applause.] Hence I address myself to you as brothers and sisters, and when I say that, of course I shall feel that you are ladies and gentlemen too. I merely throw out this suggestion, to let you know, for fear that you may misconstrue, my position.

I have worked long and hard for the Maine Law; I have worked hard for its execution, and bear honorable stripes for its existence and for its execution. I have been a mark to fire at; I have been somewhat martyred in this matter I do not boast, for I have only done duty, and perhaps hardly that. I have had my life threatened, a coat of far and feathers has been frequently promised me, but the nearest they came to that has been to tar and feather my sign; and had the hardihood, as some people though, to leave it up there as the representative of the characters who put the tar and feathers there, until time effaced it. [Applause.] I have had my windows broken, my store-door
covered with filth, and my name sent out as evil, and every other attempt has been made to destroy me, because I loved temperance. But all these things made me rejoice, because I feel that I have, to a certain extent, been counted worthy of their indignation from rum people. You know that we have fought long and hard to get the prohibitory law in Maine. We have had every obstacle that human ingenuity could throw in our way, to impede our progress, in order to defeat the Maine Law; but, nevertheless, is despite of their continued perseverance we have succeeded. I will refer, for the encouragement of this State, and somewhat to their advantage, as they are striving for the Maine Law, to some of the objections and the means that were used to prevent our achieving this glorious end. When this matter was broached in its incipient stages and before we had the law as it now, is there was a great deal of talk about its effect, and a great deal of threatening of what would be done to those who supported the measure. Our opponents threatened that if this law were brought about,-if they were robbed of their rights, as they called them, they would no longer remain citizens of the State of Maine, but that they would leave it until the law was repealed. An individual replied very happily to them: "If," said he, "your determination is never to return until that law is repealed, in all probability you will never come back again; and while you are about it, you may congratulate yourselves, and repeat the ballad of Uncle Jonas Cox, of Botany Bay, who undertook to make the best of all things:

True patriots, why fear? be it understood,
We leave our country, for our country's good.

[Applause.]

It was rather a matter of rejoicing than otherwise, that such individuals would leave our State, but we did feel some regret when we thought that they would go somewhere else, and other people would be cursed with them. There are some difficulties in the way of the execution of all laws. A few radical reformers will present an idea and dwell upon it until a portion of the people will take hold of it, and a sufficient portion will rally around until they will elect a Legislature that will give them a law. But when you get a law, it is the expression of a Legislature, which is not always a popular expression of the people, and there is no too much truth in the idea that a law cannot be
effectually enforced until the people are prepared for it,and until they brought up to that position when they love truth more than error. Let us lay aside private interests and social relations, and be willing to be delegates to be shot at-willing to stand in the van of the fight, to bear the blows and receive the insults of the enemy; and, when that is done, the law can be executed; but it takes a a long while to bring people up to that point. The best manner to meet our opponents is upon political ground. There has been a reaction in the State. While temperance men have slept, the enemy have sown tares. Our opponents have been lavish with their treasure and with their talents, and there is some reason to fear that in the next election they will triumph.

The speaker made allusion to Mr. Pillsbury, the Governor of Maine, and complained that he secured his election entirely from his having kept the voters well supplied with liquor during the canvass.

It was resolved to adopt a fifteen minute rule for the afternoon.

C. C. Burleigh, of Connecticut, in the absence of the Chairman of the Business Committee, introduced the following resolutions, which were, on motion, to be incorporated with the resolutions previously introduced, and then pending before the Convention:

RESOLVED, That we urge our fellow-citizens to petition Congress so to modify our Tariff laws as that they shall no longer protect and justify the importation of intoxicating liquors into State which have prohibited, or may hereafter prohibit the sale and diffusion of such liquors.

RESOLVED, That a natural, proper and efficient counteraction to the appetite for debasing indulgence and pernicious excitement is to be found in providing for all legitimate and healthful sources of pure, innocent, elevating pleasures of social and spiritual enjoyment; and, therefore, the library and reading room -the lyceum and music hall-galleries of paintings and sculpture-social assembly-rooms and pleasure grounds-should take the place of the bar-room and rum-cellar.

RESOLVED, That sound political economy concurs with sound morality in condemning the manufacture, sale and use of intoxicating drinks, since their cost to the consumer exceeds the actual cost of their production in a proportion five times as great as obtains in the case of useful articles; therefore, if the money spent for alcoholic beverages were devoted to the purchase of articles of utility, the present extravagant profits of distillers and run-sellers would be employed in cherishing legitimate branches of productive industry, which give to the labor bestowed upon them five times as great a proportion of their price as now goes to the labor for producing alcohol.

RESOLVED, That the officers of this meeting, together with its Business Committee, be constituted a permanent Committee, with power to call future Conventions, based on the same principles as this, wherever and whenever they deem it advisable to do so, and to initiate any other measures which they may judge best for the advancement of the Temperance cause.

The Chairman then called on Mrs. Emily Clark, of New-York, who spoke as follows:

Mr. Chairman and Friends-I doubt if I am able to fill this hall with my voice or not, but, under any circumstances, there is great allowance to be made for the imperfect elocution of ladies. However, as I took my lessons in oratory out in the open air, standing upon the stamp of a tree, and surrounded by the birds and squirrels, I may not trespass upon you too much. I will do my best -I will speak loud, and if I make myself heard I am certain that the people will not condemn me on that account. (Applause.) To have my name respected in Metropolitan Hall, I shall apply myself to the chief topics before the Convention. The experience of the past is now before us, and we know how we have passed from step to step of our progress, until we have reached-as Mr. Barnum told you yesterday-a grand crisis. If we now abate our exertions or relax our efforts to remove the deep seated curse-the great and giant evil, which is careering over the Empire State, it will be ruined and overwhelmed by it. (Applause.) But we have now gone so far that we possess a mighty lever in our hands, which, if worked at the ballot-box, by the hearty good will of true American citizens, the ruin of intemperance must be stayed, and the evil I have alluded to cease; and I say that if we, if you, neglect to so wield it, you and I become responsible for the frightful results which will ensue. (Applause.) I will here introduce a parable from an Oriental tale:-" and it came to pass in the East that one man was powerful either for
good or for evil, but he inclined to the evil, and so signed a decree; and this destroyer went forth to the work of death, prompted by the love of gain; and sword in hand he desolated the land, until thousands perished. And bloodshed was upon the fields; but yet did he go on until three hundred thousand persons had fallen, and thirty thousand people each year perished; and still his cry was-Give, give And he who had the power did not relax until the land was dripping with gore." You may transfer the scene from a Pagan to a Christian land, and place the time in the nineteenth century, and make rum the destroyer, and then you can account for the victims. (Cheers.) My friends, each of you is a man in power, as this one; each of you gives the decree, and your forefathers have sent it forth for centuries; you give the licenses to the rum-sellers, and the blood of the victims is upon your heads and dripping from your hands. I beseech of you go up to the ballot-box, vote for the Maine law, and thus wash yourselves clean from this gore for ever. (Loud applause.) Neither the fearful wreck of manhood, nor the destruction of all that is noble, generous, and manly in youth, nor all the suffering of womanhood, nor all the miseries of childhood are so great but they can be remedied by a temperance ballot-box. The drunkard is a man you create, by licensing for money the rum-seller to do the work of death from year to year. The work of reform must be utilitarian, and you have to lay the axe to the root, and not act like the Irishman who greased the buggy all over except the wheels and pins of the axle. It is thus we talk about temperance, but when the ballot-box is presented, we fail to effectually support it. If I understand my physical organization and my relations thereby to life, so must I equally understand my moral obligations, which no one can or dare despise. The enforcement of this law is one of them. We are assembled here to-day upon a platform to advocate the Maine law by the force and power of a previous education; and when the law has been in operation for twenty years, every one will wonder why it was so much opposed. Let us not quarrel about the means. The drowning man is not particular as to the description of rope which he is aided by, and so let it be with the Maine Law, which should be advocated as the exigencies of the moment require.

The President announced, as the next speaker, the individual who had published the first Temperance newspaper in the United States: William Lloyd Garrison, of Boston.

Mr. Garrison stated that in long years past he had been an active worker in the cause of Temperance, and though his efforts had been drawn more especially into other channels of reform, that yet his interest in it had been as warm as ever. When he was an active worker, the teetotaler was unpopular and looked down upon. Now, he could see thousands in a single Convention engaged as active members. If any one thing would disqualify him from speaking for Temperance as he once did, it would be that he was unaccustomed to talk upon Temperance to people who appreciated its value.

But now Chancellors, Judges, Politicians, Doctors of Divinity and office seekers of all kinds were coming forward to the work. It was certain
evidence of its growing popularity. At the conclusion of Mr. Garrison's remarks, he called upon all who had either personally or by their relatives been the sufferers by the use of alcoholic drinks, to rise. Fully two-thirds of the audience responded to his call.

Mrs. F. D. Gage, of Missouri, next addressed the Convention. Mrs. G. said:

The President has announced me as coming from Missouri; but I beg to state that I do not appear as a representative from there, as I have been only there a few months and am comparatively a stranger. I know little of the Temperance cause there or how it stands; but I trust that I have learned so much tonight, in my capacity as a looker-on, as will enable me to shed an Eastern light upon it when I return. I have come a long journey for this purpose, and I shall, I hope, be able to carry back glad tidings to my home in the Far West. Enough has been said here tonight, if experience did not before convince you of it, to prove that the cause of Temperance is right, and that
intemperance is wrong and leads to evil. Mrs. Gage here related an incident which occurred to her in her travels. A deck hand fell from a western steamboat and was drowned, notwithstanding every effort to save him. When inquiry was made about his fate, his fellow hands said "Oh, he was only a drunkard!" She continued-This great cause is the life-boat. Thirty thousand are going down yearly. Shall we hesitate to save them? Let us not differ about the means, whether it be the Maine law or the Carson league, but lay hold upon it, and we shall eventually succeed.
[Applause.]

Rev. Mr. Armstrong, of Saratoga, who organized a Temperance Society as early as 1808, next favored the Convention with some pathetic reminiscences of the effects of Rum-drinking.

Mr. Clark, of Rochester, being called upon, sang an appropriate Temperance song.

Mr. Booth, of Wisconsin, being called, next addressed the Convention. He spoke of the present state of the Temperance movement in his State, and of the enactment of the Maine Law being submitted to the popular vote in November next. His remarks were interesting and to the point.

Mr. Williams, of New York, introduced the following resolution:

RESOLVED,- That a Committee of five be appointed to prepare an Address from this Convention to the friends of Temperance throughout the world, declaring and enforcing the practical duties which at this hour especially devolve upon the advocates of the Temperance Revolution in America.

Dr. Snodgrass, as the author of a resolution of the supplementary series reported by the Business Committee, took occasion to call attention to its drift, which was, the necessity of bringing national legislation to the aid of local prohibitory laws, such as that of Maine.

Dr. S. also presented a written communication on the same subject, which it was voted to publish. The same disposition was made of a communication from Mr. S. W. Wheeler, of Providence, R. I.

The Convention adjourned at 7 P. M.

EVENING SESSION.

The Convention was called to order by the President at 7 P. M. Between 3,000 and 4,000 persons were present at the Evening Session.

The Amphions sung the song "Ben Fisher," composed by Mrs. Gage.

The President said that he held in his hand a letter from a zealous and eloquent friend of the Temperance cause-Rev. E. H. Chapin, which he would read, it was as follows:

Rockport, Mass, Aug. 30, 1853.

Dear Sir, -Other engagements connected with the cause of Temperance will prevent my being present at the " Whole World's Convention" on the 1st of September, and I beg leave to send these few lines, that my absence may not be interpreted as indicating a want of sympathy with its great objects; I am sure, with such an opportunity and such men, you will not need me. It would afford me great pleasure could I be present. Respectfully yours,
E. H. Chapin.

To C. B. Le Baron, Sec'ry Con. W. W. T. C.

Rev. Mr. Pierpont addressed the meeting thus:

Ladies and Gentlemen: I have been requested to limit my remarks to one point. I have, therefore, no touching anecdotes to tell you, no scintillations of wit to amuse you, no appeal to make to your feelings; my business is to address a plain and close argument to your understandings. The point is this: "The propriety or necessity of penal legislation in aid of moral reform," or, more closely limited to the present purpose-"the advantage or disadvantage "of the Maine Law, or a law at all analogous."

I shall present my argument principally in the form of a reply to objections. We were told this evening, or rather, this afternoon, by our friend Mr. Booth, from Wisconsin, that the great objects of a meeting like this are, First, to create a public sentiment in favour of Temperance; Secondly, to embody, to incarnate, that sentiment in the form of penal legislation against those standing in the way of the reform.. To these objects objections arise, as stated this afternoon. First, it is said that penal legislation has been hitherto found wholly in-operative and entirely inefficient, in all cases of moral obliquity. We are told by the respected delegate from Belgium, that we have as much stealing now in the world as there was before criminal enactments were directed against him who takes the property of another.

I take this to be a specimen of that class of legislation to which he would object. Let me ask, ladies and gentlemen, how this can be known to be true? When was the time at which there was no legislation directed against this moral obliquity? But, if penal legislation be justified in any case, why not in this to which we seek to direct it? What is there to exempt this case? If it be penal to kill your neighbor with a bullet, why should it not be penal to kill him with the bowl? If it be penal to take away his life by a poison, which does its work in six hours, why not penal to do so by one that takes six years for its deadly operation? Would you not measure the guilt of an act by the amount of suffering it causes? If, then, that which we work against causes ten-fold suffering, should not its punishment be ten-fold in severity? Alcohol produces ten times the amount of suffering that arsenic does. The latter destroys life; a few brief hours of agony and its work is done-but the agony caused by alcohol, extending over months and years, torments its victim with more than ten-fold cruelty. Arsenic takes away animal life merely; it touches not the soul; while alcohol gives, not only ten times the amount of animal agony, but also destroys the soul, sapping all moral feeling, quenching all intellectual light. Therefore, my friends, I ask a more severe punishment for that crime which works the moral, and the immortal ruin, than for that whose touch overturns a mere tenement of clay.

But we are told, in the same objection, that penalties are ineffectual! Precisely the same objection can be made to every law meant to prevent any of the whole catalogue of sins enumerated in the Decalogue. For example, there are murders every week; there are more murders than weeks in the year. Yet will you blot out the Sixth Commandment? And you may as well do so as leave it without a sanction. The law which is not followed by a sanction, is a blank paper. "Thou shalt not kill" That is the law. What, then, if you do kill? Nothing! Let it pass! That is a specimen of a law without a sanction! If thou destroyest the life of thy brother, thine own life shall answer for it. Break down his liberty, and thine own shall be tumbled to the ground. We have our apostolic recognition of the principle. The Moral Law of God is dictated to prevent the violation by one man of the rights and liberties of another. Shall we exchange penal statutes, and thus, in practical effect, pronounce that there shall be no law? Try the experiment, and see how you shall come out of it.

I doubt not my friend from Belgium would go with me against all capital punishment. I would not kill every rumseller, who propogates, as all do, murderous inebriety; but I would make him feel a penalty measured to his offence, and calculated to stop it.

The other of the objections I have adverted to, comes from the rumseller himself. It is in this form: "Gentlemen, friends of Temperance, take a word of counsel from a true friend. You mistake entirely the way in which this cause is to be carried on. Consider: it is a moral cause, and therefore must be furthered by moral agencies alone. Do not let it interfere with politics; the moment it does, it is degraded; the pure ermine is sullied; the angel of light receives a blot upon her wings."

Thank you, gentlemen! There is an old maxim in strategy, [the science of war,] "Fas est et ab haste doceri, it is right to take a lesson even from an enemy." I have no doubt it is the opinion of every rumseller in New York that it is periling the whole cause to bring it into the field of politics. I take counsel, and, with it, the ground that legal prohibition is moral action. I maintain that there is not that antagonism implied between moral and political action; and now, my argument is to that point. I would disabuse the community of the mistake made thereon. What is a moral act? I do not know how better to define it than thus,-an act resulting from, or consisting in, the
activity of some one of the moral sentiments, let it be manifested or carried out by whatever instrumentality it may. We do not characterize an act characterize an act of the instrumentality, but of the motives. Pardon the metaphysics of my arguments; I cannot help it, nor is it out of place; for there are before me metaphysicians, that is, men and women who have understanding. Let me give an illustration. Suppose a drunken neighbor goes into the woods, ties a cord round his neck, and to a tree, and hangs himself. I find him so. What shall I do? Leave him to his liberty-to his free will to destroy himself? Humanity says "No." What do I do? Perhaps I undertake to untie the knot; but, finding I cannot, I take out my jack-knife, cut the rope, and let him down.

Is that a moral action, so to save his life? I will not depend on my own judgment. I will take the sense of this sensible meeting. Whoever thinks it is a moral action, say aye. Ay. [From the whole house.] Contrary, no. [Silence.] The ayes have it; it is a moral action. Next, let us see where lies the morality. In my jack-knife? No! In my hand? No! In any part of my animal organization? No! I trace it back to the moral sentiment; the love of our neighbor. An I right? [Put to the house as before, and carried] We have another illustration in the story of the good Samaritan. Let us vary that a little; let us suppose that, instead of one, there were twenty men found in piteous plight, cut down by banditti. The first cries, "Attend to me!" The second exclaims, "Oh! come first to my aid!" Another moans, "Ah! give me help!" What now does the good Samaritan do? He puts spurs to his horse, dashes down to Jericho, finds the council of that city in session, and cries,
"Magistrates and fathers of this city. I want you to send nurses, surgeons, any kind of aid you can, to make an appropriation for the sufferers." The magistrates say, "Yes, there are a thousand dollars for their relief." Is that a moral action on the part of the magistrates of Jericho? [Voted so by the meeting.] You say that is moral in the Jerichoites? Now, Jericho was a city; a city is called in Greek polis, whence the adjective politicos , "of a city," whence the words politics and political, which are applicable to any municipal corporation, and may be used from a town-council up to the Congress of the United States. I ask, is not political and moral action incumbent in any
corporation? [Voted by the house.] Therefore where a municipality takes action in favor of humanity, there is at once political and moral action. That is the answer.

My neighbor hangs to a tree. Am I to indulge my very moral sentiment and leave him there? How is he the better of that? But, when I carry out my good feeling animally by my arm, and mechanically by my jack-knife, then I do right; otherwise I leave the world no better, save in gratifying myself by this very individual sentiment, which is a precious small matter.

My friends, what do we do in this Convention? We ask a law to protect the wife and family of the intemperate man. We ask it from kind feelings to our fellow-creatures, exposed to the worst of all sufferings. We cannot get that, in the present form of society, except through political organization, and God places us where we are to do so. Moral sentiment carried out by political organization is my argument. Is it your opinion? If so, vote it. [Put to the meeting and passed without dissent.]

Well then, if am wrong, you are wrong too; we are all in the same predicament. Thus the objection, tried by metaphysics and moral administration, if futile; therefore no more from you, oh, rum-sellers! except you mean to be laughed at. We mean to keep ourselves to moral action.

There is one other objection. "Gentlemen it is in vain for you to talk to the drunken man of reform, by making it penal for him to get drunk;" in other words, "you cannot carry out a moral object by physical force;" or, in other words still, "you cannot force a man in through the gate of heaven at the point of the bayonet." I know it, and am glad we cannot.

I reply, you do not understand our object. We ask a law analogous to the Maine law, not with an immediate view to the drunkard; he is not named in the law, nor alluded to. To whom, then, is the law directed? To the drunkard maker. We appeal to the poor drunken man, and he admits his fault, but pleads want of manhood to resist. Here are men, the business of whose lives is to tempt him. Society says: "We cannot stand out as advocates of temperance; it is the business of the State, not to save men's souls, but to protect Citizens in the enjoyment of their rights." Here let me be understood if possible. Religion has one function, to bring men to light out of darkness; the State has another, to protect every individual in the enjoyment of this rights; then the State has discharged its duty; or, as the law says, it is functus officio.

Now the State says, every parent in the community has a right to the service of his children, male and female; therefore it is a wrong to withdraw children from the discipline, influence, instruction of their parents, and to deprive them of their services. Tis so, as between husband and wife, and wife and Husband. It is the business of the State to protect husbands, wives, parents, and children. Till this is done, the work of the State is not done.

The State itself has a right to say, "I demand the services of every one of my citizens, and therefore have a right to see to his condition of body and mind; and so, in justice to myself, I may say to every man, this man is under my care; I have a right to his services, and you shall not unfit him to render them."

The State knows nothing of conscience, nothing of that sin the account of which lies between man and God. That is the business of religion; but the State takes the ground, "if you deprive me, or any whom I protect, of that which is their due, I am right in punishing you." That is my argument.

The President -"I have now the pleasure of introducing to his Convention, as the next speaker, one whose simplicity and uprightness of character make all compliments from me, from any one, an impertinence- Lucretia Mott, of Philadelphia."

The President left the chair, and politely escorted Mrs. Mott to the stand amid the hearty applause of the audience. When silence was restored, she proceeded to address the audience as follows:-

You have had this cause presented in so many forms and in so many ways that there seems indeed little necessity for any additional remarks. It has been presented in its comic, as well as in its tragic dress, and it has had the harmony of sweet sounds to commend it to you. It has had political appeals not a few, and moral appeals-would that I could say more. I doubt not that our friend who last spoke in his zeal for political action, and in what were regarded as very able arguments to sustain it, somewhat unintentionally overlooked, or rather, in my view at least, set too light an estimate on the moral aspects of the case. Indeed, I have thought from time to time, that in
such an assemblage as this, if the subject could be help up in its sublime moral aspect; if the hearts of temperance reformers could have been appealed to, again and again, to carry forward this enterprise on this ground, more than they have done they need not fear. But that there would be plenty of political action, just as fast as the moral sentiment is brought up to a condition to enact a law, for we know very well that our government-that our statement-that our politicians have enough of the retaliatory spirit; that all these great reformatory movements are in accordance with each other; and the moralist as well as the politicians may rejoice, that cause has advanced so far, that their retaliatory instrumentalities are used now on the side of temperance rather than of intemperance, and rather than in the granting of
licences, and such other acts as governments, laws and statesmen have been wont to perform. I have no doubt but this will be the case.

They will find that in all these reforms there is work enough for them to stir up the pure mind in themselves, and in urging on the progress of the cause of truth-to hold up the light higher and higher, and cause it to shine brighter and brighter before more sustained action. It is interesting to trace the progress of this cause from its earliest movement; how it began by very little action, and how it has gone on by faithfulness to greater and greater activity, until now this entire teetotal ground has been attained. And we may remember, too, how earnest, how vigilant, how constantly active, were the Temperance reformers. Our friend, in illustration of right in political action, referred also to the practical case mentioned by the blessed Jesus of Nazareth, in the treatment of the man who was stripped, robbed, and left
half-dead by the road-side.

The temperance men and temperance women have been endeavoring to carry out the principle of the good Samaritan, and in proportion as they have taken that ground of benevolence and morality, have they succeeded in their efforts? Mrs. Mott proceeded of describe the early experience of those who were engaged in the Temperance movement. She had herself been ashamed to enter the temperance meeting to raise her voice in behalf of the poor drunkard, because she was an abolitionist. It was feared, by the temperance friends, that her presence would bring odium on their cause!

The various moral reformers were, however, becoming more and more liberal in their views and sentiments, and they discovered that there was not so much danger in blending several reforms together as was at first believed. And still more recent events had made it imperative that those exclusive notions should be annihilated. They now found, Lloyd Garrison and Elihu Burritt occupying the Temperance platform.

They could not restrain the natural course of such principles as Peace, Temperance and Liberty from uniting together. They were united in the same individuals, and were of the same kindred. It had been the same with regard to the movement for Woman's Rights. It was supposed that it would be an injury to the cause of temperance for those who were engaged in that movement to be likewise prominent in this. However, next week the women would have a meeting of their own in the Tabernacle. The various leaders of the different moral movements could now rejoice together and mingle their power and spirits together in that great and holy cause, without fear or outrage to the feelings of any. She rejoiced at the fact that the children were all with them in that cause. It was occasioned by their purity of soul; and-were she speaking on a Theological instead of a Temperance platform, she would say, it was from their inherent love of right-their natural love of right, for she did not believe in the doctrine so long taught in the churches of the inherent and natural corruption of the child. [Cheers.]

The speaker appealed to the high moral sense of her audience, to adopt the utmost liberality towards all other movements; and, after condemning the custom of appealing to scripture in support of slavery and intemperance, she concluded by referring to the vision of Peter, which was intended to teach the great Christian doctrine of equality: that God was no respecter of persons, but that, in every nation, they that feared him and worked righteousness, were accepted of him. (Long continued applause.)

"If I were a voice" was then sung by the Amphions.

The President then said:

Among the three thousand faces on this floor there is but one which I do not like to see. I think you will agree with me that John P. Hale ought not to be sitting among you, but standing on this platform.

Vociferous applause followed from the surprised and gratified audience, and three hearty cheers were given, at the call of Col. Snow, when Mr. Hale at length ascended the platform and addressed the Convention as follows:

Mr. President -I think I can assure my friends, without any affectation, that the last thing I expected, was to address them this evening; and, when I have gone off from the stage, I am certain all will believe in my sincerity, when I say that I came entirely unprepared to address you. But I have come to a determination that I will never turn my back to that which has my judgment and my sympathies; and my heart was with you before I came forward to respond to your call. As I have nothing arranged in my mind to say, you will therefore permit me to give what illustrations from my own experience within a few days may come to my recollection, with the hope that they may suggest something that will be a profitable subject for consideration.

A week since I was riding in the cars through my native village, in New Hampshire, and the engineer, being considerably behind his time, and fearing that he would be too late to make the necessary connection, put on a little extra speed. It so happened that an aged woman, fully eight-five years old, who was walking casually up the track, was struck by the engine, knocked down, and in an instant was a lifeless corpse. It sent a thrill of horror through the village, and loud and deep were the execrations and denunciations heaped upon the Railroad Company and the parties having charge of the train and locomotive for this reckless loss of life.

When I arrived in this city, I took a letter from the office, post-marked from the village to which I have referred; and its contents were an inquiry if the law afforded no remedy against such an act. This is a solitary instance; but who does not remember the fearful calamity which happened in Connecticut, when fifty human beings, without a moment's warning, were summoned to close their connection with the affairs of time, and enter upon the realities of another world. What was the result? From one end of the county to the other, newspaper politicians, legislators, philosophers and all, were examining the question, to know if there could not be something devised, some law
enacted, by which the lives of those who were entitled to the protection of the law could be protected. They did not stop here, for the Legislature of Connecticut introduced a stringent bill, which became a law, and her citizens and the passing stranger will be hereafter guarded against a railroad calamity resulting from a draw-bridge. Well, now, if the wise legislators of Connecticut would extend the sphere of their inquiry, and ask if there are not within Connecticut, and within every State of the Union, causes which summon, if not as evidently yet a great deal more fearfully, hundreds and thousands every day to appear before the throne of the Almighty, they would find that draw-bridges are not the only evils from which they have to fear danger within their borders. Again, my friends, whose sympathies have
not been aroused? Whose heart has not bled? Whose pity has not been excited, as they have dwelt upon the fearful tale which tells us of the ravages which the pestilence is making in our neighboring city, New Orleans? They are now experiencing there, the visitation of the pestilence; but suppose it were told, in addition to this, that there were to be found in New Orleans a set of men who waxed fat and grew rich by selling to the inhabitants an article of food which was found to be the fruitful source of the yellow fever; would you give any money for the aid of the sufferers and afflicted, till the authorities had done what they could to put down those who caused that pestilence? Is there not another pestilence, compared with which the yellow fever is an nought; and is not this pestilence destroying its victims, not only in the heat of summer, but in the cold of winter? The citizens of New Orleans are rejoicing in the hope, that, as the summer passes away the epidemic will go away on the winds of heaven. But there is another pestilence that knows no season, that knows no climate or locality; it strikes its victim in the crowded haunts of men, and pursues him to his home in the forest. It strikes him in the heat of summer; the cooling winds of autumn bring no refuge from its attack; but, in all seasons and climes, it goes forth, striking its victims with a malady, compared with which the yellow fever or any other plague, is trifling, and may be easily dealt with by the healing art. They may find other causes-the stagnant pool and marsh-but, my friends, here is a stagnant pool which comes in the zephyrs of spring, in the faint winds of summer, in the cooling breath of autumn, and in fierceness of the winter tempest. It comes at all times; it never ceases; and while your ingenuity, and sympathy, and pity are appealed to to do something to assuage these minor evils, why is it, my friends, that in relation to this great evil, which is the fruitful parent of them all, you are silent. helpless, and dumb? Is it not time that that active sympathy which inquires into the cause, and seeks for a remedy, of every other evil that afflicts man, should turn their attention to this parent of all them? When we hear of deeds of
philanthropy which have characterized past ages and the present, it is said that the greatest discovery of philanthropy was the discovery of vaccination. It was a great triumph of the healing art, a discovery of that simple process by which the ravages of a loathsome disease might be stayed. But if so, with what higher success should he be crowned who shall discover an antidote to that disease, compared with which the small-pox and yellow fever do not deserve to be mentioned? If I understand the friends of Temperance, they profess to have found it in the practical application of their motto-"Touch not, taste not, handle not, impure things." Well, my friends, I don't propose to go into the details of this subject this evening. I came up, in obedience to your call, to let you know that my heart is with you, and that it is a cause upon which I am not willing at any time to turn my back. Last and least of all, Mr. President, will I turn my back upon it, because you
have invited your wives, and mothers, and sisters here. (Great applause.) Surely, my friends, surely, if this be such a work of philanthropy as I have described it, it is entitled to the sympathies of woman; and it is not meet that she who was "last at the cross and first at the sepulchre," should stay her hand here. (Repeated applause.) Let this cause be taken up and carried forward in that way which shall commend itself to the best judgment of us all. It is a field of philanthropy so wide, that we may all work in it, without jostling each other. We may divide among ourselves the best paths for our labor, in this glorious cause. with these remarks, I will leave you, and will not
trespass any longer upon your patience. Indeed, I am sure I owe an apology for addressing you upon the subject of temperance, standing, as I do, in the presence of John Pierpont. (The speaker here sat down amid great applause.)

The President then introduced Col. E. L. Snow.

He said he was called on unexpectedly, but he felt himself honored in being permitted to speak before an audience. The cause in which we are engaged is such, and the platform one so broad, that no age, color, or sex should be excluded. Our principles are so broad that we have Democrats and Whigs, and every shade of political opinion, all laboring side by side in this great cause. When I look around me, a painful period of my life is brought back to my mind. Once I was a rum-seller in the city of Boston, and I remember that, accompanied by several of my fellows, I was going to a Temperance meeting to put down the speakers. Before we went, we took several drinks; when we got there, I saw this gentleman, [pointing to Mr. Pierpont,] presiding; I felt that he was so good a man, and had labored so long in the service of the public good, that, when one of my friends was about to insult and abuse him, and put this fist in his face with a curse, I stepped between them, and told him he would have to do it over my body. (Cheers.) He then went on to contrast the difference between that period and the present. Then, the advocate of Temperance principles was hissed from the stage; now he is listened to with respectful attention. From this, he augured the nearness of the time when all shall acknowledge the Maine Law. (Cheers.)

Loud calls now were now made for William Lloyd Garrison, who came forward, and briefly addressed them. He said:

I am glad to be with you on this occasion, and to see so many ardent supporters of the Maine Law here. But, my friends, I am no politician, and my suffrage is restricted from the ballot box, as I am a man of peace, and cannot recognize any laws that are in favor of war; and the Maine Law, if enacted, is to be carried out, even at the peril human life. I do not recognize any law, that countenance slavery, and therefore I could not vote for the Maine Law. If he voted for that law, or any other, or for a man who would pledge himself to support it, he would be virtually recognizing the validity of the laws of this country, recognizing the Constitution, and that Constitution declares the right of the President to make war, and support the Compromise measure. How could I, as a peace man, do this? How could I tell the poor slave that I am his friend, and vote for this law? But I say to those voters who are not so sensitive on those points, that if you do vote at all, vote for the Maine Law. But, for one, I shall take that position which may conscience will sanction.

I doubt if the Maine Law would do all you give it credit for. There are laws against profanity, yet there is none the less swearing. There is a law against lewdness, but it is lessened thereby? He thought too much confidence is placed in law; men are apt to shift off their moral responsibility, and rely upon Legislation. All political reforms are the fruits and not the parents of morality. It is obvious that men who need laws to govern them are not fit to be trusted. He concluded by hoping that the principles of temperature would be carried out to their fullest extent, by all present in such way as the cause would justify. (Cheers.)

A motion was made that when the Convention adjourned, it should do so to meet at 9 o'clock the next morning.

Mr. Oliver Johnson said he hoped the motion would not prevail; he preferred to let the audience go home with the eloquence they have been listening to fresh and warm on their minds, rather than to meet again in the morning and have their ardor damped by a smaller and fatigued audience. If they wanted to hear more speaking, let them to Saturday evening's banquet. (Cheers.)

The motion was withdrawn.

It was now voted that Mr. Carson prepare a synopsis of his League Organization, for publication in the proceedings. Carried.

Loud calls were made from all parts of the audience for Miss Lucy Stone . She came forward and spoke of the legal disfranchisement of women:

As the outside world has chosen to repudiate her influence, she was glad to find within this Convention that woman is recognized as a helper in the great work of reform.

She would desire to urge that all present should lend their earnest aid to the cause of Temperance. Let us give our head and heart and hand to this cause, until the last rum shop is shut up, and the landlord will be ashamed to rent his building for a rum hole.

If there be but one with us, as Frederick Douglas has said, "that one with God is a majority." No matter if the cause be unpopular, to side with truth is noble. I believe the day will come when we can write in the hearts of the people, the truth of our belief. We can't afford to be other than Temperance men and women. We may lose our personal reputation for a time for our devotion to this cause, but there is a treasure richer than rubies and jewels the wealth of a consciousness of right. I hope the time will come when with a diamond, will be written, in the drunkard's heart, the firm principles of Temperance.

Waldo Emerson said, and i wish that he was here to say it himself, that, if the girl at the spinning frame tied but one broken thread carelessly, when the fabric was woven and dressed, if it was imperfect, and the master traced it back to the girl who carelessly caused it, she was made to pay the damage. So it will be with us, my friends; if we do not exert a good influence on society, there will be a damaged woof, a faulty thread, and the great Master at the judgment day will trace the fault to its source. (Cheers.)

At the conclusion of Miss Stone's remarks, (of whose unpremeditated eloquence and impressiveness, the report gives no idea,) there was a movement to depart, but calls being made for "Burleigh," and other speakers, the President said:

Friends, is seems to me better that we should have no more speaking; not merely because it is long past ten, but because the calm eloquence which has just held us spell-bound is a fitting close to our Convention. Let us pass our resolutions and adjourn, and that voice of clear melody will still linger in our ears and the night will be filled with music.

The whole of the resolutions were then passed unanimously.

A vote of thanks was tendered to the reporters for the general fidelity of their reports, and the judgment displayed in presenting the prominent features of the proceedings.

Dr. Parmly then offered the following:

I move but the thanks of the Whole World's Temperance Convention, so remarkable for good order, harmony and earnest enthusiasm, be offered to our President, Thomas W. Higginson, for the able dignified and courteous manner in which he has presided over its deliberations; having at every succeeding session highly distinguished himself for clear views, nice discrimination, and a just and impartial regard for the claims and rights of every individual member, as well as to the great and good cause which has thus called us together.

Carried unanimously.

A vote of thanks was then tendered to the Amphions and to Mr. Clarke for their beautiful songs.

The President then announced that the convention adjourned sine die.

NOTE.
LETTER FROM JOHN G. WHITTIER.
(Received too late to be reach in Convention.)

Anesbury, 29th of 8th Month, 1853.

My Dear Friend: -Thy note of the 20th inst., inviting me to attend the Temperance Convention, called in New York on the 1st and 2nd of the next month has just been placed in my hand.

I hasten to say that it would give me pleasure to be able to comply with the invitation. I fully approve of the movement, and wish it abundant success.

Whatever opinion may be honestly entertained, as to the appropriate sphere of woman, it seems to me, that none but the blindest can fail to see that the sphere must include all duties whose obligation rests equally on the whole human family. To be temperate ourselves, and to promote that virtue in others, are duties of this class; and in their exercise, I know no reason why one sex should impose restrictions, on the other.

The state of my health (not to mention other obstacles,) must exclude me from active participation in your meeting. But, in spirit and sympathy, I am heartily with you.

As ever, thy friend,
JOHN G. WHITTIER.